Novak Kilibarda – lik i djelo

Amfilohije i kosovski mit

Amfilohije i kosovski mit„Amfilohije i kosovski mit“ je knjiga u kojoj profesor doktor Novak Kilibarda svojom uzbudljivom ispoviješću razotkriva pravo lice mitropolita SPC Amfilohija Rista Radovića. Djelo se sastoji iz dvije zasebne cjeline. Poglavlje „Ja i Amfilohije“ predstavlja intrigantni mozaik Kilibardinih śećanja na dane u kojima je, sarađujući sa Amfilohijem, kroz lično iskustvo otkrio o kakvoj se ličnosti zapravo radi i po kakvoj se zaista dužnosti ona nalazi u Crnoj Gori.

Dr Kilibarda, kao ugledni crnogorski istoričar književnosti, pisac i političar, u drugom dijelu svoje izvanredne knjige, naslovljenom „Ratničko-političke konotacije kosovskoga mita u prošlosti i danas“ , objašnjava postanak, razvoj i konačnu zloupotrebu kosovskoga mita od strane ratnohuškačkih klerikalnih propagandista, među kojima se naročito ističe Amfilohije Radović. Samo neke od istorijskih tema koje se tom prilikom obrađuju su: ideologija kosovskog mita u Njegoševom djelu, Miloš Obilić kao književni lik, „Načertanije“ Ilije Garašanina, nacionalna svijest bosanskih pravoslavaca, svetosavska propaganda…

Kilibardinu knjigu, kao vrijedan doprinos borbi Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve za svoja prava, upotpunjava izuzetni predgovor Božidara I. Miličića „Srpska crkva – država u državi Crnoj Gori“, kao i prateći prijevod cjelokupnog djela na engleski jezik.

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Novak Kilibarda

AMFILOHIJE I KOSOVSKI MIT

SADRŽAJ

-Božidar I. Miličić: SRPSKA CRKVA – DRŽAVA U DRŽAVI CRNOJ GORI

-NAPOMENA ČITAOCU

-JA I AMFILOHIJE

-RATNIČKO-POLITIČKE KONOTACIJE KOSOVSKOGA MITA U PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

SRPSKA CRKVA – DRŽAVA U DRŽAVI CRNOJ GORI

Zahtjev Srpske pravoslavne crkve upućen vlastima Crne Gore da se obnovi stara karađorđevićka kapela na Lovćenu, u kojoj su pedesetak godina počivale kosti crnogorskoga državnika i Vladike Petra II Petrovića Njegoša, djelić je opšte politike koju velikosrpski nacionalisti stoljećima vode prema crnogorskoj državnosti i njenoj samobitnosti.

U srcu glavnog crnogorskog nacionalnog parka Srpska pravoslavna crkva sa śedištem u Beogradu namjeravala je da otvori građevinske radove. Koliko je to njeno zalaganje bilo realno?

Bez obzira na to što je Crna Gora suverena zemlja sa postojanom istorijskom državnom vertikalom, srpski nacionalisti i dalje uporno forsiraju realizaciju famoznog Memoranduma SANU (u kome se državnost Crne Gore i crnogorski narod zanemaruju), kvazinaučnog i genocidnog nacrta, nesposobni da se pomire sa istinom da je Crna Gora nezavisna država sa većinskom crnogorskom nacijom i skladnim međunacionalnim i međuvjerskim odnosima, da nema onih problema koje za Srbiju i srpski narod navode akademici SANU u svom nacionalnom programu. Oni Crnu Goru tretiraju kao svoj istorijski prostor od vremena župana Stefana Namanje koji je krajem XII stoljeća pokorio staru „srpsku državu“ Zetu i, kao takvu, ostavio im je u amanet, kao ratni plijen u nasljeđe. Pored SANU, o tom Nemanjinom „nasljeđu“ trenutno najviše brine Srpska pravoslavna crkva.

U Mitropoliji crnogorsko-primorskoj, sa episkopom Ristom (Amfilohijem) Radovićem na čelu, Srpska pravoslavna crkva, odnosno država Srbija, imaju veoma dobro raspoređene snage za realizaciju svojih velikodržavničkih političkih (i građevinskih) projekata. Nespremna da se kreativno civlizacijski uključi u multietničko i vjersko šarenilo bogatstva Crne Gore i njenih naroda, Srpska pravoslavna crkva sa svoje autistične platforme uporno šalje memorandumske signale da je ta civilizacijska kulturno-sociološka harmoničnost uopšte ne interesuje. Ona gura putem koji su joj trasirali svetosavski i kosovski mitovi. Pri tom se ne ograničava na Crnu Goru, već Amfilohije prelijeće preko okeana, obilazeći vas bijeli svijet, posebno Argentinu, trudeći se da crnogorsku dijasporu vrbuje i da je, kupujući naše iseljenike pasošima i državljanstvima, konvertuje u srpsku, odvajajući ih od njihovih crnogorskih nacionalnih korijena i crkve.

Mada bi u novim okolnostima trebalo da se konačno mane politike i da se (bar) pod staračke dane okrene svojim vjernicima i njihovim problemima, Risto (Amfilohije) Radović besprizorno nastavlja da vuče nerealne, rizične i provokativne političke poteze. U tome mu neizmjerno pomažu nacionalističke ratnohuškačke snage zaostale u klupama Skupštine Crne Gore. Politika i biznis su Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi i njenom episkopu Amfilohiju osnovni izbor aktivnosti u Crnoj Gori, pa dokle se stigne. A stigli su visoko – na vrh Rumije!

Nema sumnje da je Srpska pravoslavna crkva u Crnoj Gori dostigla status države u državi!

Dostigla ga je onoga momenta kada je episkop Srpske pravoslavne crkve sa Cetinja Risto (Amfilohije) Radović u Cetinjskome manastiru pod Orlovim kršem pod punom ratnom opremom ugostio „tigrove“, paravojnu jedinicu kriminalca Željka Ražnatovića „Arkana“ pred njihov polazak na dubrovačko ratište, početkom devedesetih godina prošloga stoljeća. Kada je isti Risto zločinačko djelo na „svetolazarevskom putu“ i šovinističke aktivnosti sarajevske političarke Biljane Plavšić izjednačio sa epskim humanizmom i ljepotom Kosovke djevojke, kada je od svog prijatelja Radovana Karadžića za ratne zasluge primao visoka odličja… Sve je to uradio Risto bez imalo ośećaja za Crnu Goru i njen narod ugrožen od velikosrpskih nacionalista.

Risto (Amfilohije) Radović se nekada ośećao toliko moćnim u državi Crnoj Gori da je smatrao sebe obaveznim da, uz Arkanovo obezbjeđenje pod oružjem, baci anatemu na sve „one koji hoće da razdvoje Srbiju od Crne Gore“. Ovaj militantno nastrojeni srpski monah (mnogi ga opravdano nazivaju „pukovnikom“ ili „ratnikom u mantiji“) blagosiljaće u Cetinjskome manastiru Arkanove „tigrove“ i nakon njihovog povratka iz spaljenih Konavala i porušenoga Dubrovnika. Ali više nijesu Amfilohijeve militantne „udarne snage“ oni koje je podsticao na rat, hrabrio ih da istraju u „ujedinjenju svih srpskih zemalja“. Odavno su u njegovom „zaboravu“ Željko Arkan Ražnatović, Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić, Slobodan Milošević, Biljana Plavšić, Momčilo Krajišnik, Nikola Koljević, Vojislav Šešelj, Pavle Stugar, Momir Bulatović, kapetan Dragan, Mirjana Marković… Sve one koji posustanu na realizaciji srpskog velikodržavničkog projekta (a svi nabrojani posustali su zahvaljujući pendreku međunarodne zajednice koji ih je mlatnuo po nosu i zubima, i jedino tako) Srpska pravoslavna crkva automatski škartira, napušta ih kao da se nijesu ni rađali, i vraća se izvornim nacionalističkim mitovima i načertanijevskim državotvornim idejama i oko njih okuplja svježe šovenske snage koje će srpskome narodu pomoći da istraje na „svetolazarevskom putu“ do „nebeskog carstva“. Međutim, ona se ratnih aktera koji su u prošlosti „branili srpske interese“ ipak ponekad śeti, kao onda kada je Amfilohije izjavio da čuva Karadžića i Mladića u svojim njedrima, ili kada po crkvama srpski sveštenici drže liturđije u čast vrhovnog četničkog komandanta Dragoljuba Draže Mihailovića.

Amfilohije Radović sada provjerava crnogorsku javnost puštanjem novih „prijedloga za razmišljanje“. Śetio se Amfilohije Njegoša i njegovoga groba. Śetio se Lovćena. Osta, naglašava zabrinuto, u ruševinama kapela koju je iz „patriotskih razloga“ prema Njegošu i vaskolikoj crnogorskoj ujčevini sagradio kralj „ujedinitelj“ Aleksandar Karađorđević. Priča za naivne političare i njihove sljedbenike, a takvih u Crnoj Gori ima na buljuke, trenutno moderno razvrstanih u stranke i okolo njih. Ti Amfilohijevi poklisari negiraju da je kralj Aleksandar svojim potpisom 1920. ukinuo autokefalnu Crnogorsku pravoslavnu crkvu, koja ovih dana, obnovljena, vodi žestoku borbu za svoja prava, da je upravo Aleksandar porušio (istina oštećenu) kapelu koju je Njegoš posvetio svome stricu Petru I, zaboravljaju da je Petar I Petrović bio mitropolit autokefalne Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve i da je u njoj kanonizovan.

Ovaj posljednji Amfilohijev potez, međutim, ukazuje na to da je srpski episkop, rodom iz Morače, precijenio svoje političke snage (koje istina uz beogradsku podršku bilo koje vrste nijesu male), ali takvih slučajeva političkoga siledžijstva, glupiranja i zastranjivanja, zasnovanog na prepotentnom balkanskom primitivnom samoljublju u borbi za nametanje nacionalističkih programa drugim nacijama ima mnogo. Slučajeva koji, posmatrani pojedinačno, imaju sve odlike fantastike, bolje reći ludila. Svojevremeno je (priśetimo se jednog takvog ludačkog ispada) samonicijativno sa svojim sljedbenicima lider Srpske radikalne stranke Vojislav Šešelj s glogovim kolcem kao viteškim kopljem jurišao na grob predśednika bivše Jugoslavije Josipa Broza Tita. Politički analitičari se još pitaju šta je to trebalo ovom srpskom nacionalisti, sadašnjem haškom sužnju? Za pokušaj zabijanja glogova kolca u Titov grob, te za mnoga zabadanja trnja u zdrave noge, Šešelj je dobio burne aplauze srpske javnosti. I amfilohijevci kao i šešeljevci vape za aplauzima narodnih masa. Ali, Šešelj zbog svoje ukupne ratne zločinačke politike odgovara na međunarodnom sudu za ratne zločine u Hagu. Nema sumnje da mu na sudu ne mogu pomoći svi svjetski advokati, a još manje episkopi Srpske pravoslavne crkve koji spremno čekaju da ih pozovu da ispovijede ratne zločince prije nego ih pod stražom śedu u optuženičku klupu.

Aktuelni egzibicionistički pohod Srpske pravoslavne crkve na Njegošev mauzolej na Lovćenu neodoljivo podśeća na Šešeljev tragikomični pohod na Kuću cvijeća, mada se radi o nešto pitomijem, lukavijem i navodno civilizovanijem poduhvatu. Međutim, polazište i pozadina i jedne i druge ideologije je isti – podstaći narod da se što masovnije uključi u popularizaciju svetosavske vjere i njenih mučenika, da se krvnički zavade i što prije upere topove jedni protiv drugih. Zato politička razlika između Šešelja i Amfilohija nije velika. Dok Šešelj odgovara za svoja nedjela počinjena tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, mitropolit crnogorsko-primorski ne haje dok u Crnoj Gori divljom gradnjom krši važeća pravila o podizanju objekata i nastavlja šešeljevskim stilom da se bavi istim poslovima kojima se bavio za vrijeme krvavoga rata na ovim prostorima. Svaki Amilohijev potez pun je ideologije koja negira Crnu Goru, nipodaštava crnogorski narod, njegovu istoriju i crkvu, njegove ukupne duhovne vrijednosti. On traži obnovu kapele na Lovćenu kao da je on, dokazani majstor za zidanje i maltanje sa Rumije, podigao tu kapelu. On se crnogorskoj javnosti predstavlja kao pozvaniji i pouzdaniji slavljenik 200 godina od rođenja slavnoga Njegoša nego Njegoševi Petrovići s Njeguša, koji imaju svoje žive i zdrave potomke. Risto (Amfilohije) i njegove vjerne pristalice zaboravljaju da su tu kapelu granatama oštetili Austrijanci (1916), a da se mogla opraviti. Neće da priznaju da je kapela koju je mjesto sruštene podigao kralj Aleksandar Karađorđević (1925) posvećena ne samo Svetome Đorđiju, već i Aleksandrovome sinu prijestolonasljedniku Petru, onom baksuznom Petru koji je sa tonama poluga narodnog zlata pobjegao glavom bez obzira iz Jugoslavije, ostavivši je na ćedilu, na milost i nemilost Hitlerovim nacistima. Nipodaštava Amfilohije krunsku činjenicu da Petar II Petrović Njegoš u miru počiva na Lovćenu, da se Crna Gora podizanjem veljelepnoga Mauzoleja dostojno odužila svome uzornome vladaru i Vladici Radu. Odužila se kako valja svome Njegošu, najvećem pjesniku slovenskog juga! Dok se Amfilohije pravi da sve to ne vidi, vlasti u Crnoj Gori namjerno prećutkuju njegovo prvo krivično djelo – bespravnu gradnju crkve na Rumiji za koju bi morao odgovarati u normalno pravnoj državi. Zašto mu se to oprašta?

Knjiga Novaka Kilibarde Amfilohije i kosovski mit otkriva tajne političkih prevara Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njenog agresivnog djelovanja u Crnoj Gori. Otkriva zašto se tim njenim permanentnim destruktivnim aktivnostima konačno energičnije ne suprotstavljaju državne vlasti Crne Gore. Umjesto da shodno Ustavu Crne Gore u gospodinu Ristu Radoviću vide crkvenjaka skromnih monaških ambicija, instaliranog sa strane, on im se sve više nameće kao politički partner, kao fanariotski pop s trgovačko-poslovnim ambicijama i obimnim građevinskim planovima. Sve to radi pozivajući se na oživljavanje kosovskog mita. Po Crnoj Gori čija vojska, istoričari su utvrdili, nije ni učestvovala u čuvenoj bici, srpska crkvena vlast prevrće kosti kosovskih junaka i mučenika. Kosova ni Gazimestana više nema ni u Srbiji, a oni uporno tvrde da je Lovćen srpski. Sanjaju. Sanjali su i da je njihov Dubrovnik. Donedavno su ratnog zločinca Arkana s njegovim „tigrovima“ posmatrali kao Miloša Obilića na Ždralinu, konju vilovitu.

Otkako je Kosovo proglasilo svoju nezavisnost, podržanu od strane velikog broja članica UN-a i apsolutne većine evropskih zemalja, Srpska pravoslavna crkva izgubila je predmet kosovskog mita – glavni adut u borbi za očuvanje jedinstvene srpske teritorije, a njen „nebeski narod“ sve se konkretnije politički prizemljuje. Pojedini srpski episkopi neće to da shvate. Zbog toga je politička uloga Rista (Amfilohija) Radovića, jednog od episkopa Spske pravoslavne crkve u Crnoj Gori, veoma zanimljiva. O tome u svojoj knjizi detaljno govori Novak Kilibarda, podstaknut najdrastičnijim Amilohijevim prekršajem – nabijanjem limene kiosk-crkve na Rumiju, multietničko svetilište Crne Gore, svetilište svih onih koji su, bez obzira na razlike u religijama kojim pripadaju vjerovali u Svetoga Jovana Vladimira, kneza crnogorske države koja se u njegovo vrijeme nazivala Dukljom.

Cetinjsko-primorski mitropolit napravio je prekršaj 2005. godine, a vlasti u Crnoj Gori još nijesu riješile ovaj problem divlje gradnje.

Ja i Amfilohije je dio Kilibardine knjige koji govori o sadržajnim poznanstvima pisca sa crnogorsko-primorskim mitropolitom Srpske pravoslavne crkve u vrijeme ratnih zbivanja na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije, početkom devedesetih godina, poznanstvima koja su raskinuta iz principijelnih političkih razloga. Kilibarda je posmatrao Amfilohija iz blizine onda kada su se grupisali „političari i stranačke vođe koji srpski dišu i mirišu“, kada su se, Kilibarda kaže, „rukovale nauka, politika i crkva“.

Povodom mitropolitove divlje gradnje na Rumiji uz nesebičnu pomoć državne vojske, Kilibarda je demostrativno tražio da se raspravlja o ovoj nemiloj temi na Republičkom savjetu za zaštitu prava pripadnika nacionalnih i etničkih grupa, čiji je član bio, a kojim je predśedavao predśednik Crne Gore Filip Vujanović. Pošto narečeno tijelo nije otvorilo raspravu o rumijskoj divljoj gradnji na vrhu planine (nije se čak ni osvrnulo na Kilibardin zahtjev, kao da članovi Savjeta nijesu imali šta da kažu o svemu), piscu je ostalo samo da slegne ramenima, u stilu nolens – volens, i da se povuče iz reprezantativnoga tijela. Javnost nije zabilježila da je Amfilohijeva divlja gradnja na Rumiji uopšte bila tema državnih intelektualnih krugova i institucija, ne računajući oko toga stranačka prepucavanja i politikantska skupštinska laička nadgornjavanja i pametovanja.

Kilibarda pod naslovom Ratničko-političke konotacije kosovskoga mita u prošlosti i danas do detalja objašnjava kako je zahvaljujući legendama o Milošu Obiliću i dinastiji Nemanjića rastao uticaj Srpske pravoslavne crkve na ovim krševitim crnogorskim prostorima. Na neki način objašnjava preduslove tragičnoga ukidanja autokefalne Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve i ko je u tom njenom nestajanju sve učestvovao. Opstanak Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njene moći Kilibarda vezuje za izgubljenu Bitku na Kosovu (1389), i za istoriji i dalje nejasnog ubicu turskog cara Murata I. Izgubljena Kosovska bitka, pogibija vojskovođa obje vojske (srpskoga kneza Lazara Hrebeljanovića i turskoga sultana Murata I, sina Orhanovog), legendarno viteštvo za primjer mitskoga lika Miloša Obilića, te sve što se na njih vremenom nataložilo kao kulturno, duhovno i nacionalno nasljeđe, uzela je Srpska pravoslavna crkva kao svoj istorijski miraz.

Ovđe se valja podśetiti ratničke uloge Miloša Oblića (Kobilića) u sadašnjem kreiranju vjerskih i političkih teorija na Balkanu, prije svega u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori. Jednu od tih političko-vjerskih teorija zastupa krem Srpske pravoslavne crkve sa Ristom (Amilohijem) Radovićem na čelu, koga Novak Kilibarda posmatra iz više uglova.

Postoje mnoge maglovite varijante koje govore o tome ko je ubica turskog padiše Murata I i na koji je način to ubistvo izvršeno. Evo jedne. Konstatntin Filozof, srpski pisac bugarskoga porijekla, koji u Žitiju despota Stefana Lazarevića opisuje Kosovski boj, tvrdi da se radi o „blagodarnom“ čovjeku bliskom srpskom vojnom vrhu i knezu Lazaru Hrebeljanoviću, o vojskovođi koga su „osumnjičili kao neverna“. „A ovaj da pokaže vernost, a ujedno i hrabrost, nađe zgodno vreme, ustremi se ka samome velikom načelniku kao da je prebeglica, i njemu put otvoriše. A kad je bio blizu, iznenada pojuri i zari mač u toga samoga gordoga i strašnoga samodršca. A tu i sam pade od njih.“

Iz navedene ili sličnih, isto tako neuvjerljivih priča zaostalih u narodnim śećanjima pokorenog naroda, raje pod turcima vjekovima, izvučen je glavni srpski vitez od koga će Petar II Petrović Njegoš u Gorskome vijencu stvoriti kult svetog ratnika, koji, boreći se za vjeru pravoslavnu, martirski završava na bojnom polju.

O Miloše, ko ti ne zavidi?
Ti si žertva blagorodnog čuvstva.

Novak Kilibarda detaljno analizira sve podatke koje je od Kosova do Njegoša o Milošu Obiliću pružila istorija, šta o njemu nudi narodna mašta, a šta je kroz stihove proprala deseteračka usmena epika. Odgovara na pitanje zašto je dijete vile i zmaja, kojega je zadojila kobila, Vladika Rade uzeo kao uzorak samosvjesne žrtve u borbi za slobodu pravoslavne vjere.

„Sve do razmaha Prvoga srpskoga ustanka, kad će epska junačko-istorijska pjesma dobiti svoju umjetničku završnicu, nije srpski rajetin imao inicijativu da se oduševljava Obilićevim podvigom, no su podvizi Marka Kraljevića bili mjera njegovijeh interesa.“ – naglašava Kilibarda, konstatujući pri tom da je „Miloš Obilić u Gorskom vijencu samo Njegošev, a ne pak Miloš iz crnogorske usmene tradicije“. Kilibarda je u pravu kada tvrdi da je Njegoš Gorskim vijencem u crnogorsku svijest „ucijepio ideologiju hrišćansko-martirske spremnosti“, koja je bila, prije svega, u funkciji njegove osnovne tematike – suzbijanja islama na ovim (hrišćanskim) prostorima, kome i posvećuje svoj veliki ep. Davno je Njegošev Mustaj-kadija ocijenio:

Miloš baca u nesvijest ljude
al’ u pjanstvo neko prećerano…

„Ipak, kosovska mitologija ne bi se tako cjelovito uselila u duh jednoga naroda, odnosno ne bi svoj pozitivni istorijski profil harlekinski zamijenila genocidnim profilom, da nije Srpska pravoslavna crkva uzela stvar u svoje ruke.“ – ističe Kilibarda, videći personalno Amfilohijevu važnu ulogu u cijelom tom poslu.

Ulogu crkve u izgradnji crnogorske države i crnogorskoga društva, nacionalne kulture i duhovnosti, Novak Kilibarda je već opisao u svojim romanima. U Crnogorskoj hronici, sam konstatuje, „crnogorsku crkvu prikazuje kao idejnog vođu za slobodu“. Svi crnogorski mitropoliti Petrovići pretvoreni su u književne likove sa snažnim emotivnim državničkim i slobodarskim nabojima. Njegov roman Epilog crnogorske hronike – Jevanđelje po Amfilohiju, međutim, na sarkastični književni način govori o destruktivnoj ideološko-političkoj funkciji Srpske pravoslavne crkve na prostorima crnogorske države i šire. U njemu se o mitropolitu crnogorsko-primorskom Amfilohiju govori upravo kao jednom od glavnih nosilaca fašistoidnih rasističkih projekata u građenju jedinstvene srpske države na uštrb drugih balkanskih naroda i vjera. Mada tretira duži vremenski period crnogorske države i političku okupatorsku ulogu Srpske pravoslavne crkve u njoj, u tom romanu se u više navrata sugeriše i na razmišljanja o nekim aktuelnim istorijsko-političkim problemima Crne Gore kao samostalne države u odnosima sa Srbijom, koji do današnjih dana ostaju otvoreni. Nije malo stvarnih događaja koje Kilibarda opisuje u Epilogu. Navedimo samo jedan primjer. Pravoslavc iz Trebinja Srđan Aleksić je u januaru 1993. godine zaštitio svoga druga islamske vjeroispovijesti Alena Glavovića od srpskih vojnika koji su njuškali za muslimanima i katolicima po trebinjskoj pijaci. Zbog toga je Srđan prebijen kundacima srpskih vojničkih pušaka od kojih je ubrzo umro. Zašto Srpska pravoslavna crkva umjesto Miloša Obilića ne slavi ovog neustrašivog srpskog viteza (koji u rodnome gradu nema ulice sa svojim imenom) i zašto ne pali svijeće za njegovu dušu već nastavlja da se bavi političkim temama koje joj ni u kom svojstvu ne pripadaju, kao što je Njegošev grob na Lovćenu? Zabadaju nos tamo đe im nije mjesto! – rekao bi narod.

A kad se sve razara u ljudskoj tradiciji i pamćenju, onda, akteri rata smatraju, ni sredstva ne treba da se biraju. Takav stil građanskoga ponašanja opravdaće Amfilohijev Bog. Svevišnji će opravdati i Amfilohijevu divlju gradnju, svuda đe namjerači, pravdajući je “odvojenošću crkve i države”, što crnogorski zvaničnici uplašeno primaju, pa umjesto paljenja bagerskih motora i oburdavanja Amfilohijevih divljih gradnji, otvaraju kurtoazne, salonske razgovore međusobnog uvažavanja i poštovanja, pričaju o kanonima, a ne o pravima vjernika i poštovanju osnovnih civilnih zakona.

Novak Kilibarda se i knjigom Amfilohije i kosovski mit crnogorskoj javnosti predstavlja kao istinski poznavalac svih istorijskih tokova na ovim prostorima na kojima je Crna Gora mukotrpno kreirala svoju sudbinu, počev od njene hiljadugodišnje državnosti do svih važnih elemenata za afirmaciju crnogorske nacije, koju velikosrpski ekstremisti uporno negiraju. Važno je ovđe podśetiti na Kilibardino političko iskustvo početkom devedesetih godina prošlog vijeka kada se našao u društvu stranačkih vođa koji su navodno krenuli u bobu za spasavanje jugoslovenskog zajedništva, a brzo se pokazalo da se radi o političkim prevarantima i lažovima koji će uzburkavanjem nacionalističkih talasa dovesti do građanskog rata sa mnogim žrtvama. Kilibarda je brzo učio prevarantske namjere okolne „braće“ prema Crnoj Gori i na najbolji mogući način stao u odbranu svoje zemlje. Digao je glas protiv velikodržavne agresije prema Crnoj Gori, koju je inicirao srpski vožd Slobodan Milošević slijedeći upute srpskih akademika i episkopa. Ta Kilibardina borba za Crnu Goru traje više od sedamnaest godina u više pravaca: političkom, diplomatskom, naučnom, kulturnom, publicističkom. Da bi otupio nacionalističke naboje u Crnoj Gori podstaknute sa strane, Kilibarda 1996. godine svoju prosrpsku Narodnu stranku povezuje sa procrnogorskim Liberalnim savezom formirajući koaliciju Narodna sloga, što je koliko godinu dana prije bilo nezamislivo. Formiranje Narodne sloge je od višestrukog istorijskog značaja za Crnu Goru i region u cjelini. Ostaće u istoriji Crne Gore kao prvi realni, unaprijed dobro osmišljeni politički preduslov za obnovu crnogorske državnosti i savremenu afirmaciju crnogorske nacije.

„Ovakvo Kilibardino opredjeljenje donijelo je više političke koristi Crnoj Gori i ideji crnogorske državne nezavisnosti nego njemu lično.” – konstatuje Živko M. Andrijaševič u predgovoru Epilogu crnogorske hronike, štampanom u izdanju Pobjede 2011. godine.

Kilibarda se već u Narodnoj slozi, skupa s Perovićem, borio protiv Miloševićeve politike, i to u vrijeme kada se u DPS-u još nije bila pojavila struja koja će se istoj suprotstaviti i dovesti do raskola u vladajućoj partiji. Bilo kako bilo, njegove odluke po pitanju potpunog otklona od velikosrpske politike postale su meta neumoljivih kritika. Međutim, Kilibardini kritičari po pravilu ne koriste činjenice kao argumente, već „s visine” barataju ispraznim bombastičnim jezikom kako bi ga blatili kao ličnost.

Kilibardin politički put je, sve u svemu, jedna zanimljiva priča. Kilibarda je, i u danima kada je vjerovao u unitarističku politiku, iskreno poštovao kulturu i tradiciju nepravoslavnih naroda. Navešćemo jednu njegovu izjavu za „Narodne novine“ u intervjuu od 9. marta 1992. Na pitanje „Vaši studenti svedoče da im na fakultetu podjednako strasno tumačite i srpsku i muslimansku narodnu književnost. Međutim, kako vidite mogućnost daljeg zajedničkog života sa Muslimanima, pošto su odnosi između Srba i njih očigledno previše uzavreli?“, Kilibarda je odgovorio: „Nas je literatura bila počela lijepo da miri i zbližava, a onda su razne politike sve to razbile u paramparčad. Međutim, meni se čini da će opet doći vrijeme da nas literatura i tradicija zbliže. Jer, kakva je razlika između Andrića i Selimovića i zar Njegoš nije ispjevao najuzvišenije stihove o Stambolu, ili zar neko čitajući Omera i Merimu pomisli da je to baš turska pjesma? Vjerujem u mudrost muslimanskog naroda i podsjećam da su oni od našeg jezika, korijena i mentaliteta.“

Novak Klibarda i Slavko Perović su umjesto mržnje, koja je bila osnovna hrana za političko djelovanje Slobodana Miloševića i njegovih pristalica, omogućili da se pruže ruke pomirenja na relaciji nacionalnih animoziteta i starih ideoloških isključivosti, odnosno agonalnih plemenskih podjela na kojima su otvarani frontovi mržnje i opšteg rata. Jedan od tih frontova i dalje drži Risto (Amfilohije) Radović koji ne mijenja svoje političke stavove prema Crnoj Gori i crnogorskom narodu. Nikako Risto da se zamisli nad Memorandumom SANU, Načertanijem ili nekim drugim srpskim političkim programom iz kojih vjekovima, bar kad je riječ o Crnoj Gori, bije mlaz zmijskog otrova. Pljuje Amfilohije zemlju u kojoj se rodio, đe je osnovnu školu učio. To odlično ilustruju njegove riječi koje je tokom svoje karijere bespoštedno upućivao crnogorskome narodu i naciji. Evo nekih od njih:

„Kažu mi, a izgleda da je to i tačno, kako je Milovan Đilas dobio naređenje da istorijski obrazloži i dokumentuje postojanje crnogorske nacije i da je to on uradio na osnovu Marksovog učenja. Međutim, taj isti Đilas se 1954. odrekao tog svog kopileta i sada se piše i osjeća Srbinom. Ali to zlo je ostalo.” (Dnevnik TV Beograd, mart 1988);

„Stav komunističke partije (i to po direktivama Kominterne prije rata) bio je da Balkan i u srcu Balkana srpski narod treba da se oslabi. Na temelju toga su stvoreni novi narodi koji u istoriji nijesu nikada postojali, kao recimo Crnogorci. Oni su najočigledniji primjer. Ja sam Srbin, premda sam rođen u Crnoj Gori.“ (Mladina, oktobar 1988);

„U istoriji nikada nije postojao crnogorski narod.“ (Književne novine, 1989);

„Crnogorci su komunistički nakot ili kopilad.“ (Vraćanje duše u čistotu, 1992);

„Crnogorska nacija je izmišljena u Titovoj i Đilasovoj laboratoriji. (Politikin svet, 1992);

„Moderne poturice, zatrovane opakom bolešću koju je Miodrag Bulatović, s pravom, nazvao brozomora – izdale su vitalne interese ovog naroda… Od jednog naroda stvoreno je četiri nepostojeće nacije, koje su – što bi rekao Matija Bećković – mlađe od mene… I to su, po mom shvatanju, najdublje izdaje u ovom narodu, izdaje koje su dalekosežne po svojim posledicama“. (Borba, 1992);

„U ovom trenutku naše duše čuva, kao što je naš jezik čuvao i sačuvao Vuk Karadžić, jedan njegov prezimenjak, sa Plavšićkom, novom Kosovkom djevojkom, sa Krajišnikom, jer su ove noći krenuli svetolazarevskim putem. Opredijelili su se, kao i car Lazar za carstvo nebesko.“ (Povodom odbacivanja Vens-Ovenovog mirovnog plana od strane čelnika Republike Srpske 1993);

„Neka bi bog podario da bude što manje onih koji se klanjaju paganskom caru prokletom Dukljaninu i neka paganskog cara Dukljanina svaki Crnogorac prikuje čekićem za Vezirov most.“ (Na dočeku Nove godine po Julijanskom kalendaru, Podgorica 2002);

Na pitanje može li se Crna Gora od Srbije odvojiti bez velikih lomova, Amfilohije odgovara: „Kada se odvoje od pameti, od svoga pamćenja, od svoga istorijskog bića, od krvi vitezova pomješane u svim bojevima, od svog jezika, od svog sabornog saznanja, onda će se odvojiti jedna od druge.“ (Glas javnosti, februar 2002);

Majka Jovanka spada među one majke među koje spada i majka Jugovića, među majke u koje se ubraja majka Jevrosima jer je kao što je i ona savjetovala Marka Kraljevića da ne sudi ni po babu ni po stričevima već po pravdi boga istinoga, tako je i ona savjetovala svoj porod.(Na sahrani majke haškog optuženika Radovana Karadžića u Nikšiću);

I onda, kad je to bilo, rekao sam – Radovane, ako treba malo negdje da se skloniš, dođi u Crnu Goru. Tu su se i hajduci sklanjali od pamtivijeka.“ (Načisto, TV Vijesti, 2011).

S obzirom na politiku koju vodi, nimalo ne čude ovakva apsurdna, ideološki konzervirana mišljenja Rista (Amifilohija) Radovića o Crnoj Gori i crnogorskoj naciji. Nema potrebe previše objašnjavati koliko su ona neutemeljena, jer svi istorijski izvori demantuju njegove bizarne stavove koje smo vam predočili. Nema zdravorazumskog čovjeka koji može tvrditi, recimo, poslije izjave kralja Nikole da „Crnogorsko pitanje nije dinastičko, no načelno pitanje male nacije i naroda“ ili one princa Petra Petrovića da „Crna Gora postoji kao kolektivna ličnost, kao nacija“, kako su komunisti izmišljali crnogorski naciju 1945. godine! A o djelu intelektualaca kao što su Nikola Petanović ili Sekula Drljević da i ne govorimo. Crnogorska nacija i nacionalnost bile su za knjaza Danila potpuno normalne kategorije, a Sveti Petar Cetinjski se nije libio da strane državnike, preko svojih pisama, upoznaje sa crnogorskim narodom i njegovom Nacijom. Čak je i Njegoš (u koga je njegov učitelj srpski pjesnik Simo Milutinović Sarajlija ulio do tada Cnogorcima nepoznatu srpsku svijest*) nedvosmisleno pripadao crnogorskoj naciji – u njegovom Ugovoru o prodaji Maina iz 1837. godine pominje crnogorsku naciju, a i u Ugovoru o prodaji manastira Stanjevići, od 6. maja 1839. Njegoš prirodno ističe „Naciju Crnogorsku i istu Naciju, svakijem pravom javnijem…“ (* Često se, u propagandne svrhe, manipuliše tzv. Njegoševim srpstvom. Njegoš to „srpstvo“ nije pokupio iz izvorne crnogorske tradicije, đe ono nije ni postojalo; ostavimo sada po strani istorijsku činjenicu da je običan narod upotrebljavao, najvjerovatnije pod uticajem Pećke patrijaršije, ime „Srbin“ u konfesionalnom značenju – pa su tako, bez obzira na stvarnu etničku i nacionalnu pripadnost, formalno pravoslavce zvali „Srbima“, muslimane „Turcima“, a katolike „Latinima“. Važno je istaći, kao što je to Kilibarda u svojoj knjizi objasnio, da su kosovski mit i srptvo u Crnu Goru (u kojoj ih je Njegoš proširio) stigli preko izvanjca, neobične ličnosti, Njegoševog vaspitača Sima Milutinovića Sarajlije, koji je, kako su to zabilježili oni koji su ga poznavali, fanatično propagirao apoteozni odnos prema velikosrpstvu. Međutim, sve ovo ne negira Njegoševu crnogorsku nacionalnost, koju poriču samo pojedini „istoričari“ stavljeni u službu ideološko-partijskih interesa. Osim toga, svetosavlje nije postojalo u svijesti Petra II, koji, uostalom, ime Save (Rastka) Nemanjića nikada nije ni pomenuo u svome djelu.)I to deceniju prije nego što je Marks objavio „Komunistički manifest“, a više od pola vijeka prije Titovog, te preko sedamdeset godina prije Đilasovog rođenja! Zna za sve ovo mitropolit Amfilohije, ali je njemu bitno što to običan narod ne zna. On u stvari ni nema svoje posebno mišljenje, niti je poslat u Crnu Goru da slobodno misli, već da širi rigidne nacionalističke teorije Dobrice Ćosića i Matije Bećkoviča, da igra “sitno kaluđerski” onako kako mu sviraju beogradske diple. Na drugoj strani, Novak Kilibarda u svakoj prilici zastupa svoj stav, bez obzira na posljedice koje ga čekaju. Dostojno je ovaj crnogorski istoričar književnosti podnio glavu pod komunističku sablju, odbijajući da promijeni svoje mišljenje, zbog toga što je zaštitio pravo majke-heroine Raka Mugoše da svoju tugu za poginulim sinom ublaži činjenicom da je poginuo od boljega junaka. Taj bolji junak bio je Krsto Zrnov Popović, vođa boraca za oslobođenje Crne Gore od Srbije, koga je tadašnji režim, po krutoj filozofiji ko nije s nama on je protiv nas, proglasio izdajnikom. Majčina tužbalica u svojoj izvornoj verziji glasi:

Sine mio, jadan bio!
Zalud sam ti govorila
Kad si pošâ u poćeru,
Ne prilazi gorskom zvjeru.
Nije Krsto zec iz gore,
No je vitez Crne Gore.
Lakše će te žalit majka
Kad pogibe od junaka!

I Kilibarda, koji je napisao predgovor knjizi u kojoj se ova tužbalica nalazi, zbog toga je izgubio mjesto direktora Pedagoške akademije u Nikšiću. Smijenjen je s mjesta poslanika u Skupštini Crne Gore i drugih visokih položaja. Izgubio bi i radno mjesto profesora narodne književnosti na fakultetu, da toj hajci nije stao na put odvažni crnogorski političar Veljko Milatović.

Knjiga Amfilohije i kosovski mit otvara mnoge aktuelne društvene probleme: ona istovremeno ukazuje i na paranočnu vlast u Crnoj Gori kojoj se čini da na vrhu ove države jedino može opstati ako trguje i kalkuliše sa srpskim velikodržavničkim interesima. Strahuju da ih vjetrovi koji dolaze sa dunavskih obala, od Srpske pravoslave crkve i SANU ne oduvaju sa crnogorske obale vlasti na kojoj su se odavno ukotvili uz pomoć memorandumskih i svetosavskih snaga. Zato gospodin Risto (Amfilohije) Radović sa svojim odabranim gostima uživa u Cetinjskom manastiru pod Orlovim kršem, ubira novac od crnogorskih svetinja i zida bogomolje i hramove po crnogorskim planinama da bi otupio njihove istorijske vrhove i na veoma suptilan način dokazao ko vlada u suverenoj i nezavisnoj Crnoj Gori. Sveštenici Srpske pravoslavne crkve brinu i o tome šta se od srpskih jela gotovi u crnogorskim restoranima. Oni ne mirišu ništa sa crnogorskog jelovnika, pa ni crnogorski kačamak, već se ljute zbog toga što u restoranima ne nalaze „srpsku cicvaru“.

Posmatrajući šta rade patrijarsi i episkopi drugih pravoslavnih država, lako je doći do zaključka da pune državne suverenosti nema bez autokefalne (nacionalne) crkve, koja najbolje razumije druge religije sudbinski povezane u suživotu sa njima. Da tako rade srpske crkvene vođe u Crnoj Gori ne bi im palo na pamet da majstorišu po Rumiji, Svetom Stefanu ili Lovćenu.

Takve gradnje samo đavoljim umovima mogu panuti na pamet.

U Podgorici, na Ilindan 2012.                                                   Božidar Ilijin Miličić

NAPOMENA ČITAOCU

Pred vama je, poštovani čitaoci, drugo, redigovano izdanje knjige koja je, pod naslovom Željezna crkva i kosovski mit, objavljena prvi put 2006. godine. Od tada g. Amfilohije Radović, sa svojom uslužnom crkveno-političkom mašinerijom, nije posustajao sa anticrnogorskom djelatnošću na koju smo ukazali, što će potvrditi konkretni primjeri koje prilažemo. Iako je njegova misija poprimala različite oblike, ona je i u prikrivenom, maskiranom, i u otvorenom nastupu sprovođena jednakijem intenzitetom. Ovaj mitropolit se i dalje slobodno miješa u politička, državnička, nacionalna, etnička, akademijska, lingvistička, građevinska, vojna i mnoga druga pitanja koja ne spadaju u opis posla ni jednog vjerskog lica na planeti, uz to ugrožavajući prava manjina i nacionalnu imovinu, čime koči napredak na evropskom i evroatlantskom putu naše države.

U skladu sa svojim starim shvatanjima da su „Crnogorci Srbi pravoslavne vjere, a Lovćen krov srpstva kojem treba vratiti staru kapu“, pokušao je, pored ostaloga, po modelu Rumije, udariti pečat velikosrpske dominacije i na lovćenski vrh, uz pomoć nekijeh njemu privrženih političkih aktera. Naime, planirao je da pod formom imena Petra I obnovi kapelu koju je izgradio nekadašnji okupator, kralj Srbije Aleksandar Karađorđević. Amfilohijeve izjave za medije, u kojima tvrdi da je crkva Svetoga Petra porušena prije 40-tak godina, svjedoče da je htio da svjesno obmane crnogorsku javnost i zavede neupućene vjernike kako bi ostvario svoje politikantske ciljeve. Da pojasnimo – Njegoš je, za vrijeme svoje vladavine, na Lovćenu sagradio malu crkvu posvećenu Svetome Petru Cetinjskom, u kojoj će Njegoševi zemni ostaci biti pohranjeni na nekoliko godina nakon njegove smrti. Iako je prilikom austrijskog vojnog napada ta crkvica bila samo oštećena, tako da se mogla obnoviti, kralj Aleksadar ju je sravnio sa zemljom, kako bi tu podigao kapelu posvećenu vladavini srpske dinastije Karađorđevića u okupiranoj Crnoj Gori, što je bio simbol konačnog uništenja teško stečene i mukotrpno branjene crnogorske državne nezavisnosti. Gospodin Amfilohije je očigledno imao namjeru da instaliranjem „kape srpstva“ na Lovćen uradi ono što Karađorđevići ipak nijesu uspjeli – a to je da se žigom svetosavlja slome krila i ponositi duh lovćenskoj našoj misli, koja je oduvijek bila osnov slobode Crne Gore i za koju se borila svetorodna loza kojoj je Njegoš pripadao. Neuspijeh tog opakog nauma se ogleda u tome što je Aleksandrovo zdanje prije nekoliko decenija uklonjeno i zamijenjeno veličanstvenijem Njegoševim mauzolejem, čime je ovjekovječena pobjeda pravde i borbe Za Pravo, Čast i Slobodu Crne Gore. Siguran sam da bi samome Njegošu bilo milije da mu se posmrtni ostaci nalaze u monumentalnom mauzoleju (kojeg, podśetimo, Amfilohije prezire), nego da su ostali u građevini podignutoj od strane onoga koji je crkvu svetitelja Petra I porušio, dinastiju Petrović-Njegoš detronizovao, a zakonitog crnogorskog vladara ostavio da skapava u tuđini.

I kao da svi ovi ataci na crnogorske planine nijesu dovoljni, verbalna orgijanja u vidu nipodaštavanja Crne Gore i iživljavanja nad njenom nacijom se nastavljaju. Imali smo, na primjer, priliku da čujemo i izjavu Amfilohijevu (koju je kasnije srpski patrijarh Irinej ponovio u cjelosti) da je mitropolija crnogorsko-primorska, kao dio srpske patrijaršije, starija od Crne Gore, koju je stvorila (!) i zato sama Crna Gora treba da se registruje kod te crkve, a ne obrnuto! Zašto uglednici SPC uporno ignorišu elementarne činjenice zbog čijeg bi nepoznavanja i osnovnoškolac dobio slabu ocjenu? Kako srpska crkva može biti tvorac Crne Gore kada je crnogorska državnost (u neospornom državnom kontinuitetu Duklja – Zeta – Crna Gora) starija od pravoslavlja?! Ili su čelnici SPC u pośedu naučnofantastičnog vremeplova, ili se možda nadaju da će im njihovo poigravanje s istorijom proći među pastvom prema antičkom klerikalnom principu Credo quia absurdum est („vjerujem jer je besmisleno“).

Za to vrijeme Crnogorska pravoslavna crkva ostaje obespravljena, a aktuelna vlast se ne trudi da makar dotakne pitanje faktičkoga vraćanja crkvene imovine u državno vlasništvo, kako bi ona bila na demokratski način dostupna obijema pravoslavnijem zajednicama. Taj ignorantski odnos prema ovim krupnim problemima može imati tragične posljedice. Ukoliko se vlast ne potrudi da obezbijedi poštovanje načela koja su imperativno zacrtana Ustavom Crne Gore i zahtjevima Evropske unije – slobodu vjeroispovijesti i ravnopravnost vjerskijeh zajednica, sama sebi kopa jamu, i ta nebriga se dugoročno može i njoj i Crnoj Gori obiti o glavu.

Nadamo se da će se u okviru crnogorske države naći snage da se uspostavi pravda i nacija odbrani od šovinizma kleronacionalističkih subverzija koji su konstanta u svetosavskoj, odnosno unitarno-velikosrpskoj politici g. Amfilohija Radovića.

N. K.


JA I AMFILOHIJE

Zbog političke aktivnosti srpskoga mitropolita u Crnoj Gori, g. Amfilohija Radovića, koja je sračunata na razbijanje multietničke stabilnosti Crne Gore, podnio sam ostavku na članstvo u Republičkom savjetu za zaštitu prava pripadnika nacionalnih i etničkih grupa, kojim je predśedavao predśednik Filip Vujanović. Pošto je g. Amfilohije bio član toga Savjeta, smatrao sam da imam i moralnu i političku obavezu da svojom ostavkom upozorim Savjet, čiji sam član bio od njegovoga osnivanja (predśednici M. Bulatović, M. Đukanović i F. Vujanović), na potrebu da adekvatno reaguje na poteze svojijeh članova koji su suprotni normiranim zadacima i ciljevima Savjeta. Uostalom, evo integralnog teksta ostavke koju sam podnio 2. VIII 2005. godine:

„Uz izraze osobitog poštovanja, javno Vam saopštavam, gospodine predsjedniče, svoju odluku da podnesem neopozivu ostavku na članstvo u državnom Savjetu za zaštitu prava nacionalnih manjina i etničkih grupa u Crnoj Gori, kojim Vi predsjedavate kao predsjednik države. Evo zašto sam se odlučio da napustim značajno državno tijelo čiji sam član od dana njegovog osnivanja.

Član našeg savjeta, g. Amfilohije Radović, sa svojom zvučnom intitulacijom – „mitropolit crnogorsko-primorski, zetsko-brdski, skenderijski i Svetoga pećkoga trona egzarh“, instaliranjem željezne crkve na Rumiji, planini koja tokom mnogih vjekova, jednom godišnje, na svome vrhu okuplja sve vjere sa svojih padina (pravoslavni Crnogorci i Srbi, katolici Hrvati i Albanci, muslimani Bošnjaci alijas Muslimani), zadao je razoran udarac multnietničkom i viševjerskom organizmu Crne Gore. Ćutanje našeg Savjeta o tom političko-klerikalskom ekscesu jednoga od svojih članova upravo znači poništavanje funkcije Savjeta koja je sadržana u njegovom nazivu.

Podnoseći ostavku pozivam i ostale uvažene članove Savjeta da i oni podnesu ostavke, jer smatram da bi takav naš zajednički postupak pomogao Crnoj Gori da stabilizuje svoju demokratsku fizionomiju i ustavnu poziciju, koje su nagrižene isplaniranim udarcem Srpske pravoslavne crkve, unitarističke politike nekih političkih krugova Srbije i vojske Srbije i Crne Gore, koje oličava mitropolit Amfilohije. Naša zajednička ostavka mogla bi da opomene izvršnu vlast Crne Gore da se doslovno drži ustavnih ovlašćenja u svim prilikama kada se udara na Crnu Goru. Bez obzira sa koje strane ti udari dolazili. Drage kolege, poštovani članovi Savjeta, ako ne prihvatite moj prijedlog, neka vam je sa srećom nastavak druženja s g. Amfilohijem u Savjetu koji brine o ljudskim i građanskim pravima manjinskih naroda i etničkih grupa u Crnoj Gori.

S najdubljim poštovanjem, Novak Kilibarda“.

Pošto je Savjet i dalje ćutao o deliktu vladike Amfilohija, i pošto ostali članovi Savjeta (pravoslavci, katolici, muslimani, agnostici i ateisti) nijesu prihvatili moj prijedlog da podnesu ostavke, riješio sam da upoznam javnost s činjenicama o anticrnogorskoj djelatnosti Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Crnoj Gori, na čijem je čelu g. Amfilohije, na koju sam ukazao i početkom 2001. godine. To moje ukazivanje na opasnost od klerikalskih manipulacija g. Amfilohija ostalo je bez efekta u Crnoj Gori. Zato sam ukazivanje pretvario u apel s nadom da se neće primjeriti karavanu koji prolazi ne osvrćući se na okoloputne glasove koji ga prate.

Prvo ću pomenuti kako je došlo do poznanstva između g. Amfilohija i mene, kako smo sarađivali i kako smo se razišli.

Kad se razbolio srpski patrijarh German, čuše se glasovi da će ga zamijeniti episkop Amfilohije Radović, ali ne bi tako, no srpskim patrijarhom postade g. Pavle.

O vladici Amfilohiju sam i do tada čujao glasove kao o monahu vrhunskoga obrazovanja, kaluđerskoj legendi koju sastavlja istorija plemena i manastira Morače, đakovanje kod slavnoga Justina Popovića i nedostižna učenost! Kad vruća legenda i hladna voda krenu, nema im zaustavljanja, ako gradiš brane da ih zaustaviš – one će ih preplaviti!

G. Amfilohije i ja sreli smo se nekoliko puta na nekim simpozijumima na kojima su se rukovale nauka, politika i crkva. Na skupovima sa srpsko-nacionalističkom tematikom osobito je bio čest vladika Atanasije Jevtić, g. Amfilohije hvatao je zalet. Ja sam čitao svoja naučna saopštenja, ali bio sam prepoznatljiv kao dobrovoljni putnik na srpskoj autostradi. To je bio period eksplozije velikosrpskoga nacionalizma čije su istaknute kote Memorandum Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti, ekskurzija moštiju kneza Lazara alijas srpskog martirsko-nebeskog cara, i uspon Slobodana Miloševića, čije ime asocira na kosovskog podvižnika Miloša i srpsku slobodu. Slobo-slobodo, drugi Milošu! Poseban značaj pridavan je beśedama sveštenijeh lica, osobito učenih episkopa kakvi su Atanasije Jevtić, Amfilohije Radović i Irinej Bulović. U klero-nacionalistička jedra srpsko-unitarističkog plovila jako su duvali vjetrovi islamsko-fundamentalističkih i hrvatsko-ustašoidnih eksklamacija. Titova Jugoslavija zaljuljala se bez zaustavljanja.

Prvo poznanstvo formirali smo g. Amfilohije i ja u Srpskoj patrijaršiji u Beogradu, na okruglom stolu o odnosu srpske crkve i srpskog naroda. Treći sagovornik bio je dr Jovan Rašković, potonji politički vođa Srba u Hrvatskoj. Bijaše vrelo ljeto, sala je jedva primila brojnu i znojnu publiku koju usmjerava kosovski mit i postava nebeske zaštite srpskih unitarnih planova. Bio je u publici poznati arhitekta Peđa Ristić, neimar hrama Svetoga Save na Vračaru, tada u izgradnji, na onom mjestu đe su Osmanlije spalile mošti prvoga srpskog arhiepiskopa Save Nemanjića. Oduševljeno se pričalo o skorom postavljanju centralne kupole na najvisočijem srpskom hramu, kao o graditeljskom čudu. Poslije završenog razgovora i vrućijeh aplauza, pozove arhitekta Ristić nas trojicu okruglaša da śutradan pośetimo sveto i svetosavsko vračarsko gradilište. S obavezom i zahvalnošću prihvatili smo poziv. Puna duhovna i politička interferencija pozivača i pozvanih.

Prvo smo ušli u arhitektonski biro koji se nalazio kod male crkve na Vračaru, neposredno u blizini hrama u izgradnji. Tu nam je priređen svečani doček. Bijahu došla nekolicina starobeogradskih uglednika koji su odživjeli Aleksandrovu kraljevinu, izgazili iz Titovog zemana, dočekali buđenje kosovskoga mita i svetosavskoga srpstva. Ta otmjena starost bijaše muzejski obučena. Poslije ugodnog dočeka i emotivnog razgovora, nas trojica pozvanijeh pošli smo s arhitektom Ristićem da pośetimo građevinu. Viđesmo, razgledasmo, Rašković ode nekakvom prešom, a ja predložih g. Amfilohiju da prošetamo kroz vračarski park, između Narodne biblioteke, Karađorđeva spomenika i rečenog hrama u izgradnji. Bijaše nagao dan, abašila žega, ośeća se osvježavajući vračarski lahor, Vladika prihvati prijedlog.

Dok smo šetali, direktno sam ga upitao da li je frekventni glas o njegovom dolasku na mitropolitsku stolicu Crne Gore istinit. Interesovalo me je da li dolazak zavisi samo od njegove volje, ili to pak Sveti sinod Srpske pravoslavne crkve određuje. Veli mi Njegovo preosveštenstvo da bi eventualna njegova volja da dođe na cetinjski mitropolitski tron naišla na punu podršku u Svetom sinodu. Tada je g. Amfilohije bio banatski episkop i nastavnik Teološkog fakulteta u Beogradu.

Polazeći iz ugla politike kojoj sam tada pripadao, prizvao sam sve svoje vještine da uvjerim moračkog sina, episkopa i univerzitetskog profesora dr Amfilohija Radovića kako bi njegov dolazak na mitropolitsku stolicu, na kojoj su śeđeli Sveti Petar Cetinjski i mitropolit Petar Petrović Njegoš, bio izuzetno značajan. Stari mitropolit Danilo Dajković, rekao sam, koji zaslužuje svako poštovanje, odlazi s trona silom prirode, a elitno obrazovani vladika, još od prestižnog moračkog plemena, bio bi veoma značajan za obnavljanje duhovnosti u Crnoj Gori. Nije Amfilohije mnogo zborio, prepustio se mojoj logoreičnosti. Više je slušao, postavljajući mi poneko bezmalo nebitno pitanje. Ośetio sam da želi što više da čuje, više je kupovao no prodavao. A Bog je dao da mene nije teško navigovati da više prodajem no što kupujem. Što ne znači da sam neznaven trgovac. Dugo smo šetali, već je padalo sunce za goru kad smo se rastali. On desno, a ja ulijevo!

Neću da kažem da sam ja opredijelio vladiku Amfilohija da dođe na mitropolitski položaj u Crnoj Gori, ali biće ipak da sam tome putu pripomogao, jer je bilo normalno da on moje argumente uzme u obzir. Bio sam čovjek ozbiljnih godina, profesor univerziteta i književnik, i posebno, političar koji se opredijelio za srpsko jedinstvo. Tako sam učestvovao u pripremi dolaska u Crnu Goru čovjeka koji će joj mnogo štete nanijeti. Ko misli da je bezgrešan neka… Držim se narodne izreke – ko priznaje, pola mu se prašta!

Uskoro je banatski episkop Amfilohije ustoličen na Cetinju za mitropolita crnogorsko-primorskog, zetskog, brdskog, skenderijskog i pećkog egzarha. Došao je da činodjejstvuje srpski patrijarh Pavle s grupom episkopa koji su sadjejstvovali, i ne manjom grupom koji su odstojali činodjejstvije. Prispjeli su i visoki predstavnici Vaseljenske, Grčke, Ruske, Bugarske i drugijeh pravoslavnih patrijaršija. Tu su i svi političari i stranačke vođe koji srpski dišu i mirišu! U lijevom kraku Cetinjskog manastira, koji je usmjeravao Crnu Goru od Ivana Crnojevića na ovamo, stajali su sabijeni jedan uz drugoga, Radovan Karadžić sa suprugom Ljiljanom, akademik Matija Bećković, koji je Kosovo proglasio za “najskuplju srpsku zemlju” i ja, glavom i bradom.

Poslije mitropolitskoga ustoličenja otišli smo na ručak u cetinjski hotel Park koji je podignut na temeljima istorijske kockarske Lokande. Za glavnim stolom śedio je patrijarh srpski s novim mitropolitom crnogorskim i četom domaćih i stranih crkvenih velikodostojnika. Bili smo tu i Matija Bećković i ja. Prišao mi je Momčilo Krivokapić, sveštenik iz Kotora, koji je bio moderator toga svečanoga ručka, i sugerisao mi da dignem zdravicu. Mislim da je on više tipovao na moju rječitost no na neko moje osobito značenje za taj skup. Ustao sam i riječima povezao Morački manastir i ličnosti koje se rađaju u njegovoj svetoj śeni. Pomenuo sam arhimandrita Dimitrija koji ono što kaže „inom sam svojim potvrđuje činom“, Gavrila Dožića kao desnu ruku Aleksandra Karađorđevića, Matiju Bećkovića koji je ukazao na Kosovo kao „polutar srpske planete“ i Amfilohija Radovića koji je danas zablistao u lavri u kojoj su rukopoloženi za mitropolite Sveti Petar Cetinjski i Njegoš, pjesnik koji je obilićevski mit ucijepio u kolektivnu svijest srpskoga naroda! Pričao sam adorantski, kako se to samo čini na promocijama i komemoracijama.

Uprkos apologetskim riječima, koje nijesam štedio u javnome govoru o njemu, nekako me od prvoga trenutka, u parku na Vračaru, nije varalo čulo da Amfilohije nije presrećan u mome društvu. Primijetio sam to po načinu kako opušteno razgovara s nekim drugim, a zategnuto sa mnom. I kad mu se lice osmjehne prema meni, oči mu zbore što im duša kaže. G. Amfilohije voli sagovornike koji sve njegove izjave prihvataju kao svetu aksiomu, kao živi govor napisanih svetih i svetosavskih tekstova. Ja sam čovjek koji ne može samo da sluša, bliži mi je advocatus diaboli no ćutolog! I u društvu sjajnijeh pričalica, kakvi su bili, recimo, Borislav Mihailović Mihiz i Ćamil Sijarić, morao sam ponešto progovoriti. Išao sam toliko puta u rezidencijalni odjel kod g. Amfilohija, ali tamo nikad ne nađoh čovjeka koji s njim diskutuje, da ne kažem polemiše. Viđao sam tamo samo skutonoše, bogomoljce i rukoljupce, lica koja se smatraju srećnim zato što imaju šansu da gledaju i slušaju dr Amfilohija Radovića, profesora i prevodioca, poliglotu, mitropolita crnogorskoga, primorskoga, zetskoga, brdskoga, skenderijskoga i egzarha svetoga pećkog trona! Bivao sam s Amfilohijem i na književnijem tribinama. Volio je da čita svoje pjesme, posebno na Pivskim književnim susretima. Jednom sam mu čak pridržao sveti mitropolitski skiptar dok je on odrecitovao za pultom svoju pjesmu. Nijesu me njegovi stihovi impresionirali. Poezija mu je više vjerska didaktika no pjesnička metafora. Ne znam kako toliko obrazovan čovjek to ne uviđa. Nijesam s njim razgovarao o poeziji, ni njegovoj ni drugoj.

Nije ni Amfilohije rekao što misli o mome književnom radu. Napisao sam roman Crnogorska hronika koji prikazuje crnogorsku crkvu kao idejnog vođu za slobodu. Obuhvaćeni su svi krupni događaji Crne Gore i dati književni likovi svih vladika Petrovića: Danila, Save, Vasilija, Petra I i Petra II. Kad je izašla knjiga, koja je ubrzo dobila nagradu Srpske književne zadruge, napišem posvetu, i pošaljem knjigu g. Amfilohiju. To je bilo 1995. godine. Međutim, ni na jednom od naših susreta mitropolit ne spomenu prispijeće moga romana u njegove ruke. Napominjem da je moj roman prvo književno djelo u Crnoj Gori u kome su crnogorski mitropoliti Petrovići presnovani u književne likove. Što znači da je crnogorski mitropolit i oficijelno bio dužan da negđe nešto progovori o tom presnivanju istorije u književnost, bilo pozitivno bilo negativno. Doduše, trčahu do njega, s isplaženijem jezikom, neki šovenski lelekači da me tuže zbog bogohuljenja u romanu Crnogorska hronika. A bogohuljenje se sastojalo u tome što sam opisao jednoga popa koji je jednoj oćki digao tabane u gornje tavane, a mladoga Rada Tomova kako vodi ljubav u jednoj vodenici s nevjestom bujnih grudi. Jedan crkveni rodoljub iz Bara molio je i preklinjao mitropolita Amfilohija da me ekskomunicira iz svete svetosavske srpske crkve.

G. Amfilohije mi je, kao političar u mantiji srpske orijentacije, u početku svoga pontifikata bio pri ruci. Kada je u Nikšiću organizovana skupština Narodne stranke, da bi se uklonila dva potpredśednika, koji oru stranačke drumove, došao je g. Amfilohije, pozdravio skup i održao govor koji se može smatrati prologom za svu njegovu kasniju, i dosadašnju, političku uzurpaciju Crne Gore. Dolazak na jednu političku skupštinu prvoga crnogorskog kaluđera označio je početak političke prakse mitropolita Amfilohija, koja će neprestano narastati do limene crkve na Rumiji visokoj planini. Ispred jednih izbora zovem telefonom vladiku Amfilohija i zamolim ga da mi udesi prijem kod patrijarha Pavla, računajući da će to Narodnoj stranci biti probitačno kod birača. Kao da je jedva dočekao, odmah me je preporučio Njegovoj svetosti i ja sam se ubrzo obreo u Patrijaršiji. U prijemnom salonu s patrijarhom bijaše jedan mitropolit i dvojica episkopa. Štampa je prijemu dala ośetan publicitet, na izborima je Narodna stranka prošla zapaženo dobro, prošla bi i bolje da vladajuća partija nije bila majstor za prebrojavanje glasova. Poslije će u svim kancelarijama Narodne stranke visiti na zidu uveličana fotografija Njegove svetosti srpskog patrijarha i lidera Narodne stranke. Sve je to zasluga novopostavljenog mitropolita Amfilohija, to je bio njegov prijemni ispit za političko studiranje i uznemiravanje Crne Gore. No, ni Narodna stranka nije ostala dužna Njegovom visokom preosveštenstvu. Nije morao da brine o masovnosti liturgijsko-političkih skupova kad smo mi tu, i potrčni i odskočni i grlati i krstati i šubarasti! Teško bih mogao nabrojati sva mjesta đe smo bili s njim: od Podgorice do Pljevalja, od Somine do Komova, od Čeva junačkoga do zornijeh Bjelopavlića, od Vasojevića jedroga zdravlja do lomnijeh Cuca, od Rovaca do ravnih Banjana, uzduž i poprijeko Srpske Sparte! Današnje plemensko-bratsveničko trčanje za mitropolitom Amfilohijem i akademikom Matijom otpočela je Narodna stranka. Danas se Amfilohiju samo nasijedo promijenila brada, Bećković korak ne usporava. Sve je isto samo njega (mene!) nema! Opet kažem, ko priznaje pola mu se prašta. I najveći grešnici mogu u hrišćanstvu postati svetitelji. Śetite se samo najpoznatijega primjera – apostola Pavla. To je, uostalom, najtransparentnije pokazao srpski Sveti Sinod usvajajući prijedlog da se za svetitelje proglase i dva popa iz Pljevalja koje su strijeljali komunisti kao četničke koljače. Jednome je bila specijalnost kama a drugome maca!

Kad sam se jednom vraćao iz Somine s g. Amfilohijem (on je tamo osveštavao temelj jednoj crkvi), pitam ga hoćemo li u Nikšiću ili Podgorici popiti kafu, a on mi odgovara da se ne vraća toga dana na Cetinje, nego ide u Knin. Pitam ga zašto ide na tako dalek put, a on odgovara: ,,Idem tamo, s pomoću božjom, da ohrabrim našu braću!“ Vojska Franja Tuđmana bijaše tada krenula na Knin i zauzela strateške tačke bez kojih se Knin nije mogao odbraniti. Tada sam pomislio: ,,Bože jedini, zar nemaju Srbi toliko vladika i episkopa koji su bliži Kninu, nego baš Amfilohije mora da tamo poteže s Cetinja!“

Pročitam u štampi da je mitropolit Amfilohije otišao u Hag da pričesti braću koja su optužena za ratne zločine, a ta srpska braća bijahu iz Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Opet sam pomislio, toliko vladika, posebno onih koji dejstvuju na teritorijama s kojih su optuženi, a u Hag ide Amfilohije sa Cetinja. Kada su bile demonstracije u Beogradu 1996. godine, mitropolit crnogorski duva u pištaljku i ide s masom kroz Beograd. A tada, g. Sava, vladika šumadijski, poštovano teološko lice i akademik, ne duva u pištaljku po beogradskijem ulicama, jer takva muzika nije za uzvišena duhovna lica. Čim je zatvoren Slobodan Milošević, g. Amfilohije otišao je u Centralni zatvor u Beogradu da ispovijedi srpskoga vođu koga su izdajnici nebeskog srpstva utamničili. Odletio je cetinjski poliglota i u Hag s namjerom da pričesti Lazareva nasljednika, koga je vatikanski i homoseksualni Zapad utamničio. Dolampao je u Den Hag neumorni mitropolit, ali se, kažu, nezdrelice vratio. Ateista Milošević nije ga dočekao raširenih ruku, no mu dao đilasicu. Nije đavo crn koliko mu se kaže! Na sahrani ubijenoga Zorana Đinđića bio je i patrijarh i sijaset srpskijeh arhiepiskopa i episkopa, ali nad odrom je govorio Amfilohije. Porodica pokojnoga Đinđića bila je šokirana. Taj tartifovski Amfilohijev govor bio je iskren koliko i govor Marka Antonija nad odrom ubijenoga Bruta u Šekspirovoj drami! Opet Amfilohije, svuda Amfilohije, kud gođ kreneš – neizbježni Amfilohije, mitropolit, političar, et cetera. Takav svuda prisutni Amfilohije izvukao mi je asocijaciju na moju davno upokojenu strinu Jovanu. Muž joj je poginuo na Skadru na Bojani, imala je jednu kćer i udala je, ostala sama a starost joj se metuzalemski produžila. Čuvala je krnjorogu Zlatulju i prela tuđu kuđelju. Zborilo se za strinu Jovanu da se vazda ona nađe tamo đe ne treba! Milije je bilo strini Jovani da zaradi solad na tuđemu no dukat na svome imanju. Laka joj zemlja, pokojnici.

Kada je Narodna stranka koaliciono participirala u činovničkoj Vladi Crne Gore, nastupilo je zahlađenje na relaciji predśednik Narodne stranke – mitropolit Amfilohije. Zahlađenje je ubrzo prešlo u studen zato što mitropolit nije konsultovan prilikom odabira članova Narodne stranke za ministarske položaje u Vladi. Realno je očekivao da mu se obratimo, zato što je realno pretpostavljao da cijenimo ulog njegove energije u ideološki kontekst Narodne stranke. To zahlađenje prijeći će u ledeno doba iz kojega će se izleći puč u Narodnoj stranci, tzv. Bojovićeva buna. Tada će se desiti ovo. Opštinski odbor Narodne stranke u gusto naseljenoj Zeti pozove kaluđera Teodosija iz tamošnjega manastira Dajbabe da osvešta nove stranačke prostorije. Kaluđer je došao, razmirisao se tamjan, prinijeta mu je vodica za osveštanje. Ali, prije no je otpočeo obred zapitao je đe je „predśednik Bojović“. Kad su mu rekli da je došao u stranku predśednika Kilibarde, otac Teodosije nije htio ni da čuje za osveštavanje prostorija. Okrenuo je leđa i bez pozdrava otišao. Kad sam čuo za taj kaluđerov postupak, napisao sam pismo g. Amfilohiju i protestovao zbog nezapamćenog čina u pravoslavlju, bar na teritoriji Crne Gore. Evo u cjelosti pisma kojim mi je odgovorio g. Amfilohije:

„Poštovani g. Kilibarda, mir Vam i zdravlje od Hrista Boga našega!

Poslije povratka sa puta iz Grčke odgovaram Vam na Vaše dopise u vezi osveštanja stranačkih prostorija u Zeti. Naložio sam igumanu Teodosiju, nastojatelju Manastira Dajbabe da obavi i da revnosno obavlja svoju svešteničku dužnost. Od istoga sam obaviješten da gospoda koja su mu se obratila za sveštanje prostorija do sada ga nijesu pozivala u svoje domove radi slave i drugih hrišćanskih dužnosti, a nepoznati su mu i iz crkve. Nikad ih nije vidio na svetom pričešću, nedjeljom, praznikom, kao što to rade hrišćani od pamtivijeka. To ga je, po njegovim riječima, dovelo u nedoumicu da im Crkva samo treba radi stranačkih interesa, a ne Boga radi, spasenja i duše radi. Upravo to mu je i dalo povoda da postupi kao što je postupio. Dakle, nije bilo razloga što pripadaju Narodnoj ili nekoj drugoj stranci, već njegov načelni sveštenički stav. Želeći Vam, g. Predsjedniče, svako dobro, ostajem s poštovanjem.

Cetinje, 19. 2. 1998.                                     Mitropolit crnogorsko-primorski Amfilohije“

Bezmalo da čovjek ne povjeruje svojim očima kad čita tekst ovoga pisma g. Amfilohija! Mitropolit podržava odluku jednog lokalnog sveštenika da nevjernike ne preobraća u vjernike. A zna se od davnina da je crkva zadovoljna kad grešnike pretvara u pokajnike, nevjernike u vjernike, kad svakodnevno opslužuje pastvu crkvenijem obredima. Može čovjek zvati popa da mu danas osvešta kuću, śutra dolinu, prekśutra brdo, i tako svaki dan ponešto. Em će sveštenik zaraditi novac od tih usluga, em će crkva imati ugodnost od tolike vjerničke revnosti. Ne pomenuh slučajno da je Zeta, opština s desetinama hiljada stanovnika, gusto naseljena. E sad zamislite natprirodno bistroga kaluđera iz manastira Dajbabe koji kao na dlanu ima pregled fizionomije cijelog toga masovnog stanovništva. Da li se taj duhovnik više unosio u svetu liturđiju ili je vajarski, ili policijski, studirao fizionomije vjernika koji u strahu božjem slušaju njegovo svetačko pojanje! Śetih se prvih stihova pjesme Kaluđeri Đura Jakšića: „Gled’o sam vam metanije, / Kad varate Boga živa“.

Kada sam primio pismo koje navodim, pošao sam na Cetinje kod vladike Amfilohija. Razgovaramo u četiri oka. Kažem mu:

–                   Gospodine Vladiko, Vi se direktno sukobljavate s petom crkvenom

zapovijesti!

–                   Kakvom zapovijesti, gospodine Kilibarda?

–                   Ja, odnosno Narodna stranka čiji sam predśednik, pripada vlasti. Imamo

dva ministra u Vladi Crne Gore. Vi se flagrantno miješate u politiku boreći se protiv Narodne stranke kojom ja rukovodim, a peta crkvena zapovijest jasno kaže da se morate moliti za onoga ko je na vlasti.

–                   Novače, ne znam ja tu zapovijest!

–                   Molim Vas, dajte kalendar.

Dade mi Vladika kalendar, koji se može kupiti u svakoj porti, na svakom crkvenom kiosku. Otvorim kalendar i nađem, razumije se, prvo Božje zapovijesti, a onda i deset crkvenih zapovijesti. Peta crkvena zapovijest – moliti se za onoga ko je na vlasti.

Nije g. mitropolit ništa komentarisao, očigledno nezadovoljan što me nije zbunio. Znam da je ovo što pričam bezmalo nevjerovatno, ali ovo što sada tvrdim objavljeno je još 2001. godine u knjizi Slavoljuba Šćekića Kilibarda: ispovijest o deceniji koja je promijenila lice Crne Gore. G. Amfilohije nije reagovao.

Ne samo što se Amfilohije miješao u rad Narodne stranke, kad je njezin predśednik skrenuo s velikosrpske unitarne trase, i podsticao u njoj prevrat, nego se nametao i kao presuditelj. Zovu me jednom dvojica članova Narodne stranke iz Tivta, oba članovi Glavnoga odbora. Kažu da se više ne može tolerisati moj indolentni stav prema srpskome narodu koji dokrajčuju Turci u Bosni i Hercegovini i Tuđmanove ustaše u Hrvatskoj. Kažu mi ta dva rodoljuba da će ići na Cetinje da s Njegovim visokim preosveštenstvom, mitropolitom Amfilohijem, razgovaraju o mome neodgovornom odnosu prema srpskom pitanju. Ja onda ugovorim sa srpskim entuzijastima iz Tivta da se utroje nađemo kod g. Amfilohija na Cetinju. Već je bila pala noć kada stigoh na Cetinje. Mirišu cetinjske lipe, osulo se nebo zvijezdama, samo oko lovćenskog vrha šamija crna oblaka. Nikakve gradske vreve, još ćukovi ne otpočeli noćni zov, uskopistilo se jedno pseto ispred Manastira. S Vladikom śeđahu ona dvojica srpskijeh oljućenih rodoljuba iz Tivta. Śetih se, jedan od njih je popovski sin, a čuo sam da mu je tata popo bio u intimnoj ušnoj saradnji s komunističim vlastima u vjerski složenom Tivtu. Kao i uvijek kod dobrog domaćina, razgovor smo počeli uz dobru rakiju lozovaču. Ja kažem:

–                   Izvolite, eto i Vladike, šta imate da kažete?

Onda popovski sin zagrana rukama i zapjeni kako su naša srpska braća u Bosni i Hercegovini i Hrvatskoj u takvom položaju da ih Alijini Turci i Tuđmanove ustaše nemilice ubijaju, kuće im pale, žene, sestre i šćeri siluju, svete srpske hramove ruše i bestimavaju! Tako nam, posebno u dubrovačkoj regiji, pravoslavni vjernici i srpska braća stradaju od papske tijare i katolika, a, nažalost, i to na veliku žalost i sramotu, Narodna stranka, srpska i pravoslavna, nema snage ni kudreta da barem jednu četu srpskijeh boraca spremi jadnoj našoj srpskoj braći u pomoć!

Na jednom nedavnom sastanku Glavnoga odbora Narodne stranke popov sin iz Tivta takođe bijaše zapljenio kako velika opasnost prijeti Srbima od podmukloga katoličanstva u Kotoru i da se na tome prostoru mora nešto preduzeti od strane Narodne stranke. Pitam ja zabrinutoga Srbina iz Tivta koliko ima tijeh strašnih katoličkih prozelita na Crnogorskome primorju, koliko je tih starih varalica od kojih prijeti tolika opasnost srpskim svetosavskim ortodoksima. Popov zapljenušavi sin veli da toga zla latinskoga na Srpskom primorju ima nešto oko dva do tri posto. E kažem ja njemu, da ih s moje strane pozdravi i da im čestita kad mogu njih dva-tri posto da raspravoslave naših devedeset sedam srpskih procenata! Bilo je malo smijeha, neki su se podgurkivali kako sam zabrinutoga svetosavca ućutkao, a on je kolutao očima i lomio prste. No, da se vratimo cetinjskome razgovoru u rezidenciji mitropolita Amfilohija.

Nastavlja zgranuto zabrinuti Tivćanin s nesmanjenom pljenom. Kaže da se mora nešto preduzeti. Navodi kao elitne primjere dobrovoljačke odrede iz Srbije koji ne žale snage ni krvi da pomognu ugroženoj srpskoj braći na prostorima nad koje se nadnio polumjesec i zgranala ruka koja se krsti s četiri prsta! Podigao glas, nabrekle mu vratne žile, Vladika mu doliva čašu lozovače. Onaj drugi Tivćanin zamrežio očima, ukršta pogledom od Amfilohija do uzbuđenog sadruga, mene preskače, čaša lozovače stoji mu malo otpijena. Da prekinem rodoljubivu vatru prvoga i klimoglave onoga drugoga Srbina iz Tivta, i Vladičin pravo u mene usvrdljeni pogled, kažem da imam konkretno rješenje:

–                   Vas dvojica, ti P. T. i ti N. M. mladi ste i zdravi ljudi, znam da ste dobrostojeći s poslom i primanjem, nemate izoštrene kućne problematike. Formirajte što prije po jednu četu srpskih zažetih rodoljuba i boraca i odmah krenite na ratište da štitite ugrožene Srbe od turskih buljuka i ustaških postrojbi. Svojim ličnim primjerima inicirajte crnogorske svetosavske Srbe da se masovno sjure na odbrambeno ratište!

Đavo odnese šalu! Dvojica srpskih rodoljuba skolutavaju poglede jedan s drugim, a zajednički vape očima pomoć od Amfilohija! Zagledaju se strelovito, a molećivo se obrušavaju na Mitropolita koji ne skreće očne farove s mene. Čaše stoje kako su stajale, flaša je bila sigurna da joj neće ostati suvo dno. Onda poče jedan od srpskih rodoljuba da se žali kako mu odskora nije žena sa zdravljem u redu, drugi kaže da svoj direktorski položaj ne može napustiti, onaj prvi pominje i svoje zdravstvene probleme, drugome nešto ne bijaše sređeno u porodičnome budžetu. Jezik im se suši, lomataju se i šklampću. Kad nastupi tajac, Amfilohije samo reče da smo svi dužni da pomognemo našoj nesrećnoj srpskoj braći u Bosni, srpskoj Hercegovini i posebno i osobito oko starog grada Dubrovnika koga je hrvatsko katoličanstvo uzurpiralo. U doba cara Dušana u Konavlima nije bilo katoličke duše, tamo su bili čisti Srbi kojima je srpski silni car Dušan pružao svaku zaštitu. Dužni smo da Srbe opet utemeljimo u Konavlima.

Ja sam onda ustao i bez pozdrava ih napustio, a oni su ostali da napremase žale svoju ugroženu srpsku braću.

Čestim eksklamacijama da śedi na mitropolitskoj stolici Svetoga Petra Cetinjskoga, g. Amfilohije upravo naglašava svoje uvjerenje kako je on po Bogu i istoriji dužan da brine o državnim i političkim poslovima Crne Gore. On se brutalno politički ponaša, a crnogorska zvanična vlast nema zamaha ni skoposti da g. Amfilohija upozori na činjenice koje znaju i polumaturanti s prośečnim ocjenama iz istorije. Niko da mu kaže da je dolaskom Danila Petrovića na knjaževski prijesto Crne Gore prestala teokratska vladavina u toj zemlji. Knjaz crnogorski prihvatio je svjetovnu vlast, a mitropolit crnogorski cjelovito se posvetio svetoj liturgiji i crkvenijem poslovima. Uz to valja naglasiti da je od tada potonji potpis na izbor cetinjskoga mitropolita davao knjaz, odnosno kralj Petrović. Sve te istine prolaze mimo ušiju g. Amfilohija kojemu bi, kako je istakao uvaženi teoretičar crkve i vjere, g. Mirko Đorđević, više odgovarao položaj ministra policije no mitropolita. Dakle, vlast crnogorska nema skoposti da javno uputi g. Amfilohija na crnogorske zakone iz vremena knjaževine i kraljevine Crne Gore u kojima je jasno istaknut odnos crkve i države i autokefalnost Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve. Niko se ne usuđuje da javno kaže vladici Amfilohiju da su Crnogorci u prošlosti umjeli da svrgnu s mitropolitskoga trona vladiku koji ne odgovara narodnim interesima. Pravo reći, nabujavanje vladike Amfilohija Radovića u makijavelističkoga političara adekvatno je nesposobnosti zvanične vlasti da Crnu Goru ustavno zaštiti od brutalnih klerikalnih nasrtaja. Vrhunac tih nasrtaja je gvozdena crkva na Rumiji i beatifikacija ratnih zločinaca iz Pljevalja.

Zapadni svijet je potrošio vjekove dok nije crkvi, kao duhovnoj ustanovi, dao odgovarajuće mjesto u društvu i državi. Danas je nezamislivo da se prvosveštenik, recimo jedne Francuske, umiješa u politiku. Mi svi znamo za imena Širaka, Šredera, Blera i Buša, ali malo ko zna za imena glavnijeh sveštenika Francuske, Njemačke, Velike Britanije i SAD. Nijesmo u prilici da znamo, ako nam nijesu kakav rod, jer se oni ne miješaju u politiku koja podrazumijeva publicitet. Međutim, danas je ime mitropolita Amfilohija ekskluzivno prisutno u publicistici na međunarodnijem prostorima. Može mu pozaviđeti i pontifex maximus iz Rima! U karikaturama odista genijalnoga Koraksa Amfilohije često zauzima jedno od centralnih mjesta. No, ne treba kriviti mitropolita Amfilohija zbog hipokriznoga prisustva u politici, nego civilnu vlast u Crnoj Gori koja mimoustavno mirno posmatra klerikalizaciju političke scene i razbijanje multietničkoga i viševjerskoga korpusa države Crne Gore. Ako basta političarima, oni mogu da koriste pomoć klerikalaca, jer to njima nije ni ustavno ni moralno zabranjeno, ali u građanskoj državi političkim klerikalcima su ustavno preśečeni putevi. Po crnogorskoj političkoj autostradi šumaherski se natječe Amfilohije.

Na Veliku subotu 1997. godine u Podgorici je održana vanredna skupština Narodne stranke. To je bilo poslije tzv. Bojovićeva puča, odnosno velikosrpskoga prevrata koji je isplaniran u Beogradu a realizovan u Tivtu, kada je savezni ministar pravde Zoran Knežević izbrisao „Kilibardinu stranku“ iz državnoga registra političkih partija i upisao novoosnovanu, srpstvom i popstvom bogatu, Bojovićevu Srpsku narodnu stranku. Sve smo preduzeli da se kao gost na Skupštini pojavi bar Amfilohijev mjesni paroh iz Podgorice, ali uzalud smo se mučili. Bio nam je potreban Amfilohijev predstavnik da bismo ublažili uragan optužbi da smo antisrpski i antipravoslavno raskolni. Ne samo što „Kilibardina“ stranka nije više odgovarala g. Amfilohiju, nego se on sablažnjavao i od pomisli da njegov predstavnik śedi onđe đe će, kao gosti, da govore i pozdravljaju rasrbljenu Narodnu stranku liberali crnogorskog separatiste Slavka Perovića, američki delegat Bob Norman, sluškinja zapada Vesna Pešić i šiptarski političar Ferhat Dinoša! Nedolazak Amfilohijev na našu Skupštinu protumačen je od miloševićevskog orkestra u Crnoj Gori kao izrečena anatema Kilibardi i njegovoj izdajničkoj stranci.

Poslije održane Skupštine, već po običaju, a slovom Statuta Narodne stranke, novoizabrani Glavni odbor Narodne stranke otišao je u Manastir Ostrog da položi zakletvu. Krsna slava Narodne stranke je 12. maj, dan Svetoga Vasilija Ostroškog, svetitelja i čudotvorca s najdubljim značenjem u religioznoj svijesti Crnogoraca.

Dođemo pred Donji manastir u Ostrogu. Nas tridesetak tražimo od dotičnoga kaluđera da pred njim položimo zakletvu. On zamuca da je vrlo zauzet i upućuje nas u Gornji manastir. S uobičajenom smjernošću za te prilike obratimo se u Gornjem manastiru, đe počivaju mošti ostroškoga svetitelja, tamošnjem kaluđeru, imenom Joilu, da nam učini zakletveni obred. Mi tako, a on se nakostriješi i odriješi paljbu:

–                   Bježite od mene i ovog svetog manastira, božji nesrećnici! Vi ste se udružili sa satanom Slavkom Perovićem, neprijateljem srpstva! Nije za antisrbe i antihriste zakletva! Bješ’te mi s očiju!

Nas tako sikterisa Amfilohijev čuvar moštiju najautoritativnijega crnogorskog svetitelja Vasilija Ostroškog. A na mjesec dana ranije jedan kaluđer ispred mitropolita Amfilohija blagoslovio je u Tivtu raskolnu skupštinu Srpske narodne stranke. Ali umjesto antisrpskih i antisvetosavskih zloduha koji su kao gosti pozdravili „Kilibardinu skupštinu“, srpsko-spasilačku Bojovićevu skupštinu pozdravili su srpski prvak iz Beograda, g. Vojislav Koštunica, i četa mala ali odabrana terazijskih Crnogoraca koje su predvodli pjesnik nebeskog Kosova Matija Bećković i istoričar Draže Mihailovića dr Veselin Đuretić. Pjevajte jače, pjevajte bolje / opet je naše Kosovo polje!; Od Topole pa do Ravne Gore / sve su straže đenerala Draže! Genocidni spiskovi srbijanskih Crnogoraca s kojima se g. Koštunica slikavao po Briselu nijesu juče sačinjeni! Od Amfilohijevog dolaska u Crnu Goru, čemu sam i ja djelimično kumovao, počela je srbo-klerikalna ofanziva na Crnu Goru koja hoće da obnovi svoju viševjekovnu državnost i crkvenu autokefalnost. Strategija unitarne ofanzive je postojana, a taktika je raznovrsna: tiha i podzemna, drska i nadzemna, jednom se smiješi s popovskog obraza, drugom kezi gvozdene zube s Rumije!

Nema danas u hrišćanstvu dosljednijeg privrženika klerikalske doktrine Cuius regio, eius religio od g. Amfilohija Radovića, mitropolita crnogorsko-primorskog, zetsko-brdskog i skenderijskog i egzarha svetog pećkog trona! To jest, ośećanje da ima pravo prvjenstva u pravoslavlju, i kuraž da se upliće u sve aspekte duhovnoga i političkoga života Crne Gore daje mu činjenica da, iako nezakonito, ipak suvereno vlada velikijem dijelom crkvene imovine koja istorijski i zakonski spada u državno vlasništvo. Ali njemu ni to nije dovoljno, već ima potrebu da stalno dokazuje svoju nadmoć. Kako nastupa i frontalno i bočno pokazaće ovi detalji. Na ulazu u Berane podigao je krst koji dominira okolnim prostorom, bezmalo onako kako Mostarom dominira u ratu podignuti katolički krst. Instaliranje krstova na vjerski mješovitim prostorima, kao što je Beranska regija, podrazumijeva potcjenjivanje državljana Crne Gore koji se ne krste s tri prsta. Takvim vjersko-političkim znamenjima Amfilohije uporno načičkava Crnu Goru. Uspon te gradnje dobio je svoj vrhunac u limenom bunkeru na Rumiji kojeg je g. Amfilohije podigao uz pomoć ratnih helikoptera vojske Srbije i Crne Gore. Dobro je neko rekao da takvo vjersko omeđavanje prostora nalikuje na zoološki urinirano obilježavanje zvjerišta i pasišta.

Jednom je moja supruga Milka, Srbijanka, profesor matematike, građanka koja se ne miješa u politiku, otišla pod Ostrog sa svojijem prijateljicama iz Srbije i vratila se vidno uznemirena i uvrijeđena. Dok je stajala u redu da pristupi svetijem moštima Vasilija Čudotvorca, prišao joj je jedan kaluđer i počeo da viče kako joj tu nije mjesto:

–                   Vi ste žena Novaka Kilibarde koji piše protiv srpske crkve i Njegovog visokog preosveštenstva mitropolita Amfilohija! Bolje je idite kući!

Jednom prilikom, bijaše 12. maj, dan Svetoga Vasilija, stajao sam u redu da pristupim moštima. Ispred mene stajaše jedan sredovječni bračni par, rekao bih da su Beograđani. Žena se smjerno krstila, išla je Svecu s nekom molbom. Kad je muž pokušao da se prekrsti, bijesno se ispred njega obrio jedan crnomantijaš. Dah znoja i zapuštenosti strujao je oko njega, bio je slika i prilika kaluđera iz Života i priključenija Dositeja Obradovića. To higijenski zapušteno kaluđersko stvorenje, odnosno pitomac justinovsko-amfilohijevskog shvatanja da je ljudsko tijelo ručak gada puzećega, gurnulo je rukom onoga beogradskog gospodina i povikalo:

–                   Ne krsti se tako! Ne umiješ da se prekrstiš, sram te bilo!

Onda je to mantijaško samaštenije palo na zemlju, ljubilo tlo i krstilo se u zanosu. Miris znojnog „parfema“ širio se. Onaj gospodin sa ženom, koja je drhteći plakala, žurno je izašao iz ćelije manastirske. Pomislio sam da taj građanski stilizovani gospodin nikad više neće doći pod Ostrog. Bijaše mi žao gospođe koja je potegla na toliki put s iskrenom vjerom i velikom nadom u pomoć Svetog Vasilija Čudotvorca. Kad sam se ubrzo susrio s g. Amfilohijem, ispričao sam mu što sam vidio u Ostrogu i zapitao ga kako to može da dozvoljava. Ovako mi je odgovorio:

–                   Zaboga g. Kilibarda, nemojte biti preko koljena. To je iskušenik Žarković, znate, on je rođak Vidoja Žarkovića!

Pričao mi je Č. V., član Narodne stranke od početka, da ga je sveštenik u nikšićkoj crkvi upitao pružajući mu pričest:

–                   Nijesi valjda i dalje za Kilibardinu politiku!?

Amfilohijev i moj posljednji susret odigrao se u pipersko-bratonožićkom manastiru Duga, i to na njegov prijedlog. Tada sam bio potpredśednik Vlade Crne Gore. Stranka demokratske akcije, koju predstavljaše moj nekadašnji student, g. Rifat Vesković, nije na izborima 1998. ostvarila skupštinske mandate, jer nije postigla izborni cenzus. Prije toga, na predśedničkim izborima dali su glasove Milu Đukanoviću. Kako za Veskovićevu stranku nije bilo mjesta u koaliciji Da živimo bolje, koju su formirali Demokratska partija socijalista, Socijaldemokratska partija i Narodna stranka, sami oni izađu na izbore i ne ostvare normu s kojom se ulazi u Parlament. Smatrao sam da je šteta da Muslimani alijas Bošnjaci, kao domicilni narod u Crnoj Gori, nemaju predstavnike u vlasti. U razgovoru s predśednikom Đukanovićem, predložim, kao dobar politički potez, da se nekolika pomoćnička mjesta u ministarstvima ustupe Veskovićevoj stranci i da obavezno u Ministarstvu vjera Vlade Crne Gore budu dva pomoćnika: jedan muslimanske, drugi katoličke konfesije u Crnoj Gori. Milo Đukanović se odmah složio s mojim prijedlogom i rekao da će o mom stavu popričati s premijerom Filipom Vujanovićem. Nijesam tada Đukanoviću pominjao aktualnog ministra vjera u Vladi Crne Gore, filozofa i uvaženog njegošologa, prof. Slobodana Tomovića, a podrazumijevalo se da mislim na činjenicu da se g. Tomović više iskazuje kao apologeta Amfilohija Radovića i njegove politike, nego kao ministar svih vjera u Crnoj Gori.

Procurio je u javnost moj prijedlog, ili flert s Milom, kako se reklo, da se i nepravoslavne vjere angažuju u Ministarsvu vjera. O tempora, o mores! Turci i Latini u srpsko ministarstvo vjera! Sini munjo, pukni grome! Preko jednoga ministra iz Narodne stranke, inače iskrenog Amfilohijevog skutonoše i rukoljupca, dobijem poruku od mitropolita Amfilohija da bi htio da se što prije susretnemo u manastiru Dajbabe. Ja odgovorim da prihvatam prijedlog o susretu, ali ne želim da se nalazimo u manastiru Dajbabe čiji iguman Teodosije nije htio da osvešta prostorije Narodne stranke u Zeti. (Zaboravih da spomenem sveštenika Raičevića koji je hrišćanski smjerno došao na poziv zetskih narodnjaka i osveštao njihove stranačke prostorije. Zbog toga ga je Amfilohije ljutito kritikovao, jedva ga je razminula kazna).

Onda je g. Amfilohije predložio da se sastanemo u manastiru Duga, i ja sam pristao. Do tada nijesam ni znao da postoji taj divni ženski manastir. Jedna od kaluđerica bijaše Japanka, ili mi se tako učinilo. Nastojateljica manastira bila je jedna otmjena ženska prilika, lijepijeh bijelih ruku, smirenog lica i toploga pogleda. Poručeno joj je bilo da će doći Mitropolit, pa bijaše pripremljen stilski doček s ukusnijem jelom, dobrom lozovačom i prvoklasnim vinom „Vranac“. Sa mnom su išli dvojica iz Stranke, onaj ministar, Amfilohijev ljubimac, i jedan meni tada odani doglavnik. Razgovor je počeo konvencionalno, sve se, uz zalogaj i usrkljaj, otezao da se ne prijeđe na predmet zakazanog razgovora. Kad je nategnuti i, kao bajagi prijateljski, razgovor dojadio i meni i njemu, g. Amfilohije je rekao da mu ne može biti ni jasan ni prihvatljiv moj prijedlog da u Ministarstvu vjera Crne Gore, kojim rukovodi poštovani filozof Slobodan Tomović, śede i pripadnici islama i katoličanstva! Iz usvrdljenih, jezivo prodirućih očiju Amfilohijevih čitao se ijed, prezir i tušta inijeh srda! Ośećajući se neugodno pred smirenim licem kaluđerice koja je, s ubijeljeno prekrštenijem rukama, stajala iznad stola za kojim blagujemo u čeljustima a razjedamo se u dušama, odśečno sam rekao da je učinjeni prijedlog moj čvrsti stav i kao političara i kao intelektualca, i da od njega neću odstupiti. Dodao sam da imam pravo na takav stav i kao profesor univerziteta koji dugo godina predaje multietničkom i viševjerskom sastavu studenata i istražuje kolektivnu misao naroda koja je izražena kroz usmenu književnost, iz koje su izrasli Homer, Firdusi, Njegoš… Htio sam time upravo da naglasim da mi Amfilohije ne može soliti pamet, bar je značajna moja univerzitetska nastava i nauka koliko i njegova liturđija i kanonistika! Ustao sam, hladno se pozdravio s Mitropolitom, i otišao sa svojim saradnicima koji su naš razgovor i rastanak potišteno otćutali. Danas obojica ritmično koračaju u Amfilohijevoj klero-političkoj koloni koja obilazi brda i ravnine s mora na Moraču, od Somine do Rumije. I ne samo što koračaju u unitarno-anticrnogorskom stroju, no su ljuti opričnici u unitarno-klerikalnoj legiji koja ubrzo prerasta u osmi bataljon koji ne ide praznoruk. Ako Crna Gora bude sravnjena svetosavskom kanonadom, ta dvojica nekadašnjih mojijeh odanika i današnjih Amfilohijevih prvaka, biće odlikovani Ordenom Viteza od Rumije! Nadam se da će mi tada barem malčice zahvaliti što sam ih upoznao s Njegovim visokim preosveštenstvom vladikom Amfilohijem (po laičkom imenu – Ristom), mitropolitom crnogorskim, primorskim, brdskim, ravničarskim, skenderijskim, pećkim egzarhom, doktorom teologije, pjesnikom, prevodiocem, poliglotom kome su poznati svi živi i neživi jezici, putnikom kome zavidi Marko Polo, i oratorom na komemoracijama na koga je ljubomoran Demosten! Tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis! Naški bi se reklo: Zeman ziđe kule niz primorje, jedan gradi drugi razgrađuje!

Ubrzo će iz Amfilohijevog štaba pokušati da mi se revanširaju.

Jedan član Narodne stranke, koga sam uveo u Vladu Mila Đukanovića, preklinjao je mitropolita Amfilohija da me ekskomunicira iz crkve pravoslavne. Evo kakav je to bio kadar i moj i Milov. Tada bijaše moćna i nepodijeljena Demokratska partija socijalista, Momo i Milo, mladi i lijepi pliš-revolucionari joj na čelu. Momo štucovanih brka drma državom, a dvometraš Milo Vladom Crne Gore. Šćeli su malo da flertuju s demokratizacijom Crne Gore, pa ponudiše Liberalnom savezu Crne Gore i Narodnoj stranci da participiraju u Vladi s po dva ministra. G. Slavko Perović i ja još nijesmo bili otpočeli koalicione razgovore, koji će kasnije dovesti do Narodne sloge, ne ustručavam se da kažem, prijelomnoga trenutka na zaokretu Crne Gore prema svojoj državnosti i priznanju autokefalne crkve. Tada se Slavko Perović prevari, pa snabdije Đukanovićevu Vladu s dva ugledna ministra, poznatoga naučnika Vukića Pulevića i gospodstvenoga arhitektu Burzana. Ja na iskrenost poziva da uđemo u Vladu odgovaram adekvatnom mjerom. Delegiram u Vladu jednoga koji je u Narodnoj stranci bio zadužen jedino za enterijer stranačkih prostorija, i drugoga kojemu nijesam mogao naći funkciju koju bi on bio sposoban da obavlja. E pa jedan od te dvojice stranačkih prvaka i elitnijeh ministara klečao je pred Amfilohijem moleći ga da me proćera iz srpske vjere pravoslavne. Izgleda da je obrazovani mitropolit Amfilohije procijenio mjeru moga agnosticizma, pa nije preduzeo kanonske mjere protiv političkog vjernika. Kasnije će jedan podgorički pop, došljak iz Srbije, predlagati moju ekskomunikaciju. Ni tada g. Amfilohije nije zagrizao udicu.

Na dvije žene, kojima vjerujem, g. Amfilohije kao duhovnik nije ostavio pozitivan utisak, a obje su pravoslavne hrišćanke. Kad je prvi put došao u Nikšić novi mitropolit, g. Amfilohije, da razgovara s vjernicima, nekolike Srbijanke, sve profesorice Gimnazije „Stojan Cerović“, koleginice moje supruge, odoše zajedno s njom da čuju mitropolita. Napominjem da ima zapažen broj Srbijanki u Crnoj Gori, kojima smo se poženili mi, najčešće bivši studenti Beogradskog univerziteta. Kada sam čuo da se prijeti proćerivanjem Crnogoraca iz Srbije, ako ne odbiju da glasaju za nezavisnost na crnogorskom referendumu, odnosno ako uspije „Milov referendum“, našalio sam se da ćemo i mi njima isporučiti zamašiti kontingent baba. Doveli smo ih u Crnu Goru kao lijepe, mlade i školovane dame, a vratićemo ih kao uvažene penzionerke, njihove državljanke. Šala maskara, uz smijeh se snošljivije živi. No, pitam suprugu kakav je utisak na nju ostavio mitropolit. Ona kaže da ju je jedan poznanik upoznao s vladikom, rekavši mu čija je supruga. Onda je ja, kao građanku koja se ne bavi politikom, a poštuje pravoslavne obaveze, pitam je li g. Amfilohija poljubila u ruku. Ona mi prijekorno odgovori:

– Čoveka onakvog pogleda i očiju ti možeš ljubiti u ruku, a ne ja!

Slično mi je o pogledu g. Amfilohija rekla i jedna druga dama, mnogo u svemu iskusnija od moje supruge, nikšićke profesorice matematike. Ova druga dama bila je princeza Jelisaveta Karađorđević, šćerka Pavla i unuka grčkog kralja, stanovnik Amerike i građanka svijeta. Bijaše došla kao gost Narodne stranke u Crnu Goru. Imao sam zadovoljstvo da se s njom doslovno družim nekoliko dana. Išli smo na njenu prađedovinu Vasojeviće i peli se na Komove. Obišla je Princeza dom za nezbrinutu đecu u Bijeloj, koštanu bolnicu u Risnu i mitropolita Amfilohija na Cetinju. Bila je impresionirana konobama kod Morinja, đe joj je ukazana srdačna pažnja, kad smo jedno veče onđe boravili. Moj vozač, g. Budo Razić, poznati sportista, onako markantan i privlačan, bio joj je s kolima stalno na usluzi. Razumije se, nijesam s princezom Jelisavetom išao na Cetinje, jer sam već bio u raskoraku s g. Amfilohijem. Pitam princezu za utiske, a ona veli da ju je obuzela neka neobjašnjiva prijatna svjetlost na Cetinju. Priče, legende, istorija i literatura učinili su svoje. Kaže i da je bio vrlo srdačan doček u Mitropoliji, ali je te divne utiske poremetio „izuzetno težak pogled g. Mitropolita“, koji ne želi da zapamti. Bijaše primijetila i Mitropolitove „prevelike šake“, koje takođe želi da zaboravi. Bože, šta ti je suptilna dama. I u solidnim godinama primjećuje na muškarcu detalje koje je primjećivala u raskoši svoje ljepote i mladosti. Jelisaveta Karađorđević nedostižna je princeza među princezama, rekoh u sebi.

Tokom svojih, ne tako rijetkih, dolazaka u Mitropoliju na Cetinju, jednom sam zatekao g. Amfilohija s crnogorskom kapom na glavi. Svijetli joj se svilena kao zift crna oblista, a ubijelo joj bljeckaju ocila na purpurnocrvenom polju. Pomislio sam da bi je on sam odmah skinuo sa glave da zna kako mu ružno stoji. Ne podnosi ga, narodski bi se reklo. Crnogorska, kao i druge nacionalne kape, jednostavno definiše čovjeka kakav je prema suštini koju ta kapa nosi. Nekoga lijepo podnese, nekome stoji na glavi izuzetno ružno, nekome karikaturalno, a nekome do zla boga – tužno! Ne znam bijaše li tužnija Amfilohijeva glava pod crnogorskom kapom, ili crnogorska kapa na Amfilohijevoj glavi. Ima na ovoj zemlji grešnoj stvari koje ne može rastumačiti naša mudrost, moj pokojni Horacije!

Mitropolit Amfilohije uveo je u Crnu Goru, bolje reći – uvezao je, neke crkvene običaje kojijeh nije postojalo tokom dosadašnjih hrišćanskih vjekova montenegrinskih. Isticao je na crkve i manastire zastave s ocilima kakvih ranije u Crnoj Gori nije bivalo. Na raskršća puteva postavlja gvozdene makete crkava, a među najuočljivijim je ona na raskrsnici Nikšića, Danilovgrada i Podgorice. Pobada visoke krstove kao začikivanje nepravoslavnim vjerama, kakav je krst na ulazu u Berane iz pravca juga. Na jednom trgu u Nikšiću vajarski je uličena Majka Božja, kakvu ne pamti crkveno pravoslavlje. U Amfilohijevoj režiji daju se nazivi nekim grobljima u Crnoj Gori, kao u Beranama na primjer, kakvih ranije nije bilo. Enterijere crnogorskijeh bogomolja permanentno posvetosavljuje. Čuo sam, ali se u to ne bih mogao zakleti, da je u jednoj ikoni u lik Svetoga Petra Cetinjskoga uklopljena Amfilohijeva fizionomija. Mošti Svetoga Vasilija Ostroškog pomjerane su s Ostroga samo kad se bježalo ispred egzekutorskih vojski koje su kretale na Crnu Goru, a Amfilohije prošeta s njegovijem čudotvornim moštima i mimo granica Crne Gore. Svjetovna vlast Crne Gore nema ni uviđaja ni sposobnosti da mu taj akt zabrani s objašnjenjem da posvećeni Vasilije Jovanović zauzima krupno mjesto u istoriji Crne Gore. Kao što mu je takođe trebalo zabraniti da ostrva u Skadarskome jezeru pretvara u koloniju monahinja koje su dovedene s necrnogorskijeh terena. Ni po kakvom građanskom ni crkvenom zakonu on nema pravo da ta ostrva privatizuje i pretvara ih u crkveno-vojne stacionare.

Kao predśednik Narodne stranke dobijem za jednu novu godinu, kao čestitku-poklon od američke ambasade, sliku jedne umjetnice iz Srbije. Na slici koju sam dobio poznata slikarka je ostvarila dva lika svojom paletom – svoj i Njegošev. Međutim, taj lik više nalikuje na Amfilohija no na mitropolita Petra II Petrovića. Umjetnica je uhvatila pogled koji je sablaznio moju ženu i princezu Jelisavetu. I to je jedna od stvari koje je rizično tumačiti. Možda je Amfilohijeva prisutnost u novinama, na televiziji, na karikaturama i drugđe, slikarki zaklonila Njegošev lik, koji nije svakodnevno i napadno prisutan. A što ga slikarka pripjeva uz svoju senzualnost? I princeza Jelisaveta nagledala se muških pogleda pa se ne oduševi Amfilohijevim očima. Otkud baš mene da zapade ta slika na poklon?! Ne znam, moj Horacije.

Pričali su mi o jednoj seansi g. Amfilohija u Grblju, poslije neke crkvene svečanosti na kojoj je on činodejstvovao. Priređen mu je doček po običaju, Grbljani, potomci Lazara „Grbljanovića“, bili su u svom elementu dočeka i gostoprimstva. Poslije objeda i zdravica, gusle su pružene Amfilohiju da zapjeva kao Iguman Stefan u Gorskome vijencu. I ja sam gospodina Amfilohija na raznijem skupovima slušao kad pjeva uz gusle, iako mu pristaju u rukama jednako kako mu pristaje crnogorska kapa na glavi. I tu stvar ne bih uspio da rastumačim, moj Horacije. Kad je Amfilohije u Grblju završio guslanje, javio se jedan od njegovijeh domaćina-obožavalaca i rekao:

– Vaše visokopreosveštenstvo, hoće li svemogući Bog narediti da se uvede vjeronauka u naše srpske škole, da nam đeca ne uče, kako smo mi u jad učili, da su ljudi postali od majmuna?

– Vala prijatelju, svaki misleći zna da čovjek ne može postati od majmuna, ali bojim se da poneko može postati od lisice – uzvratio je mitropolit i egzarh svetog pećkog trona.

– A ko je taj lisičin sin? Upita neko od prisutnih vjernika.

– Novak Kilibarda – odgovorio je Visokopreosvešteni, uz buru smijeha i klepet dlanova prisutne pastve.

Bio sam dva-tri dana s Amfilohijem u Švajcarskoj. Išli smo da držimo predavanja, iz vjere i srpskog rodoljublja, našim iseljenicima, gastarbajterima. To je bilo vrijeme kad vladike i politički lideri često odlijeću u inostranstvo da doseljenicima propagiraju Slobodanovu politiku i da onovčane dlanove od Srba koji su na privremenom radu u bezdušnom inostranstvu. Čuo sam da Amfilohije nije bio srećan što sam mu sadrug na tome putu, navijao je da umjesto mene ide onaj što sam ga pomenuo kao ministra što je posredovao da se sastanem s Mitropolitom u manastiru Dajbabe. Urgirao je da bude neko drugi, ali naši ljudi u inostranstvu, kojima je pribježište maternji jezik i priča o njihovom kraju, šćeli su da čuju pričljivog profesora. Stignemo avionom u Cirih. Usput mi g. Amfilohije bijaše rekao da će nas na aerodromu sačekati i jedan „ugledni sveštenik“, tamošnji srpski paroh. Dođosmo, ljudi nas zamašito sačekaju na aerodromu, ali toga popa na dočeku ne bijaše. Śutri dan upitah jednog simpatičnog Srbina, zovu ga Savo Bosanac, kakav je to sveštenik što mi ga je spomenuo mitropolit Amfilohije. Savo mi reče da je to protuva i svaštočinja najgore vrste. Veli da se to popovsko samaštenije ženilo i raženjavalo nekoliko puta, da ima mantiju i katoličku i protestantsku i unijatsku, pa služi svakome ko mu plati. Kasnije kažem Amfilohiju da je sveštenik koga mi je pominjao ništa čeljade u popovskoj mantiji, a on mi oljućeno odgovori:

– Pobogu g. Kilibarda, ako ne valja pop, valja mu molitva!

Rekoh da nikad ne sretoh čovjeka koji polemiše s g. Amfilohijem. On voli da ga slušaš, a ne da s njim polemišeš, pa bilo i najdobronamjernije. Zar nije bilo normalno da sa mnom porazgovara o odnosu građanskoga profila sveštenika i njegove duhovne dužnosti. Ja sam bio voljan da čujem njegov stav o problemu: da li je duhovna i moralna obaveza sveštenika da lični život usaglašava s crkvenim stavovima koje propovijeda. Možete misliti kako bi Amfilohije razgovarao o tome problemu s običnim parohijanom, kad neće da proturi bar koju riječ sa svojim saputnikom, s kojim barabar drži predavanja srpskom iseljeništvu u inostranstvu. Siroti komunisti rekli su istinu da klerikalci zaglupljuju narod, ne pretpostavljajući da će oni sami na klerikalski način zaglupljivati masu koju su predvodili na putu u srećnu budućnost. Nije slučajno što popovi nazivaju svoje vjernike stadom, a Hrista jagnjetom božijim. Amfilohije te može smatrati i ovnom trećepreodnikom u stadu božijem, ali će s tobom o tome nazivu diskutovati malo morgen, što bi rekao Slobodan Milošević.

Nikad prije stupanja g. Amfilohija Rista Radovića na mitropolitski tron cetinjski vjernici nijesu ljubili zemlju kad uđu u bogomolju, niti klečali na koljenima kad im sveštenik zapovijedi. U Crnoj Gori je odvajkada „vertikalno“ hrišćanstvo, nema ni stolica u hramovima. Scenarsita Ratko Đurović, poznavalac Crne Gore, i inventivni režiser Stojanović, u filmu Šćepan Mali realno su prikazali tipičnoga crnogorskog sveštenika iz klasične Crne Gore. Śećam se ovog detalja iz filma. Dok sveštenik služi liturđiju u crkvi, džeferdar mu je oslonjen o crkveni ćošak. Između pjevnogovornih sekvenci pop malo slušne šta se događa napolju i pogleda u džeferdar da mu ga ko ne zdipi iz ćoška. To je istina o crnogorskom vertikalnom i životom nadojenom pravoslavlju. Pop Mićo bio je mnogo češći u Crnoj Gori no Iguman Stefan. To je njegoševsko borbeno pravoslavlje. Znao se ustaljeni red kroz vjekove. Prekrstivši se uđe vjernik u crkvu. Ide do svetoga stola na kome počiva ikona sveca kome je hram posvećen. Prekrsti se, poljubi ikonu, priloži koju paru, opet se prekrsti i stane da odstoji liturgiju. Sad je Amfilohije uveo običaj da se u crkvi pada na koljena, ili u najmanju ruku da vjernik dohvati tri puta rukom crnu zemlju. Kad smo jednom bili u Somini na osveštanju temelja jedne crkve, tokom liturgije zapovijedio je g. Amfilohije pastvi da klekne na koljena. Jedan starac sa štapom začuđeno me pogledao i zapitao:

–        Što da klečimo, provesore, živijem te kumim Bogom!? To nikad u vijeku nijesmo činjeli. Bože mi ti pomozi i Sveti Vasilije Ostroški!

Tako su se u Crnoj Gori istićile pravoslavne vehabije koje ne usaglašavaju svoj ritam kršćenja s uobičajenijem ritmom koji traje vjekovima, kao što ni vehabije u Bosni ne usaglašavaju svoj ritam klanjanja u džamiji s ritmom koji traje od Mehmeda el Fatiha naovamo. Narodski bi se reklo, igra bula i kaluđer kolo šareno.

Njegoš je Crnogorce uzdizao „uz sunčane zrake na nebesa“, a mitropolit Amfilohije usmjerava ih na htonične prostore. Čapa se uz planine da, s vojnom pomoći, nasovrljava limene kontejnere s krstom, do kojijeh mogu dospjeti samo planinari, i to ljeti, a vjernike, stare i bolesne, koji iskreno doplježu u crkvu, seosku i gradsku, uči da padaju na koljena i ljube crnu zemlju. Bosanski muslimani nerviraju se što im vehabije remete tradicionalni ritam klanjanja u džamijama, kao što se i crnogorski pravoslavni vjernici śekiraju što im Amfilohijevi zemljoljupci uzurpiraju molitveni ritam koji je ustaljen po uzusu. No, ni tu nije kraj Amfilohijevoj reformi crnogorskoga pravoslavlja. Ljudi s osnovnim znanjem pravoslavne vjeronauke znaju da je jedna od svetih tajni – krštenje. Vjenčanje, krštenje i opijelo srasli su s vjernikom kao njegovo duhovno disanje. Za istinskoga vjernika to su i duboki doživljaji. Vjenčanje dva bića stapa u jedan duhovni stepen. Krštenje novorođenog čovjeka prevodi iz biološke u duhovnu sferu života. Opijelo, sveštenikovim pjevanjem, mirisom tamjana i svjetlošću svijeće, preporučuje umrloga za onaj svijet. Sve te tri iluzije oplemenjuju ljude koji ih u sebi importuju. Odista, treba zaviđeti istinskim vjernicima, za njih je plemenita iluzija triju ovozemaljskijeh tajni što je i melem za ranu.

Śećam se iz đetinjstva svečanosti u patrijarhalnim kućama u mojim Banjanima kad se dijete krštava. Sve se u kući sredi, prepere i upriliči za radosnu svečanost. Dođu svojte i komšije, s kojima je svečarska kuća ulijepo. Svi obuku ono najljepše što imaju. Spremi se jelo i piće, ne na gomilu i za iźeličku krknjavu, no se sve oblikuje u stišanoj formi. Toga dana u kući su dvije svetinje: ikona krsnoga sveca na zidu i kum koji će krstiti dijete na posebno namještenoj stolici kraj stišano žarovitoga ognjišta. Sveštenička odora, njegov zapjevni glas, miris tamjana, ogledalo svete vodice, i tamno zelenilo pomaznog ulja, slivaju se u bezglasnu sreću roditelja što im se krštava dijete. Tu svečanost roditelji doživotno pamte, a zapamtiće je i novokršteno dijete iz priče kako je bilo na njegovom krštenju, koju će mu isti roditelji ispričati kad ono doraste do riječi za pamćenje. Više se u Crnoj Gori pamtilo kad je dijete kršteno, no kad je rođeno.

A evo šta je g. Amfilohije uradio od svete tajne krštenja u Crnoj Gori. Opisujem samo dva slučaja kojima sam bio očevidac. Bijasmo jednom u Vasojevićima na osveštanju temelja jedne crkve u selu P. Pored temelja hrama koji se osveštava teče jedan šumni potok s gustim šumskim okolišem. G. Amfilohije pročita s jedne hartije imena đece i omladine koje treba krstiti. Pročita im imena i zapovijedi da svi bosonogi zagaze u potok. Bijaše tu petnaestoro kumčadi. Vajni kumovi su stajali oko mitropolita. Kumčad zagaziše u vodu. Bijaše među njima jedan tinejdžer, zagarila ga mrka nausnica, kreše okom na jednu omladinku divno zaobljenih prsiju koja je takođe zagazila u potok da se krsti. Noge joj se bijele, mogle bi zanijeti i Branka Radičevića. Rasan mladi Vasojević, kako mu to i plemenska genetika donosi, jedva mu farmerice usprežu anatomiju koju mu uzbuđuje fina bjelonoga moma. Kreše mladi Vasojević na nju okom jedva čekajući da se obavi sveti čin krštenja. Vosperjava ga i rastinje do potoka u koje se lijepo hladuje, posebno je tu lijepo mladome svijetu kojemu je u saglasju nabrekla anatomija u gaćama i šumni krvotok u srcima. Sve mitropolit Amfilohije krsti o jednome trošku, a ja se śetih staroruskoga kneza Vladimira Svjatoslaviča koji je krajem X vijeka pokrstio svoje skitsko-slovenske podanike. Vizantijski sveštenici osveštavali su izvorište rijeke, recimo Dnjepra, kneževi potrčni poslušnici kamdžijama saćerali u rijeku stotine hiljada lica i sva ta masa bila je krštena i pokrštena svetom vodom koja je dotekla s osveštanoga izvora. Vjerovatno je tada postala izreka: Ja ga krstim, a on p*di! Zato nikad nemojmo reći da se nekadašnja događanja ne mogu reinkarnirati. Amfilohije može da se ponosi što formom masovnoga krštavanja u tekućoj vodi nastavlja praksu svoga pradavnog rođaka, staroruskoga kneza Vladimira Svjatoslaviča (958 — 1015).

Pritrefih se kod crkve u Šarancima, koju bijaše došao da osvešta patrijarh Pavle iz Beograda. S njim su činodjejstvovali mitropolit Amfilohije i druge vladike i sveštenici. Tada sam ujedno kumovao četvorici odraslijeh građana i jednome đetetu. Amfilohije im pročitao imena s jedne liste i izgovorio krštenske riječi, a ja im kumovao. Zaboravio sam imena trojema odraslih kumčadi, samo se śećam imena i prezimena onoga đeteta i jednoga odraslog kumčeta. Dijete je bilo iz kuće mojijeh poznanika Ćorovića, a ono odraslo kumče bio je moj bivši student Raonić. Tada bijaše nastupila moda krštavanja, a g. Amfilohije spreman da svakoga podvede pod časni krst i uvede u nove oblike vjerskog ponašanja. Sada poredimo klasično kumstvo i krštavanje u Crnoj Gori, koje sam maločas spomenuo, sa ovim persiflažnim krštavanjem u Vasojevićima i Šarancima, pa ćemo lako viđeti kakvo je pravoslavlje g. Amfilohije instalirao u Crnoj Gori, tom ponositom „stenju i srpske krune dragom kamenju“! U mojijem Banjanima, jednovjerskom stočarskom kraju pod zvijezdama, dok su bili neraseljeni, bilo je čestih rođačkih incesta, kao i drugđe u Crnoj Gori, a bogami i svugđe, ali nije se zapamtilo da je ikad došlo do erotskog zbližavanja čeljadi iz kumovskih kuća. Zvao se za kuma čovjek koji će doprinijeti ugledu kuće koja ga je okumila, a kad se prolazilo pored kumovske doline ili livade, valjalo je nazvati „pomozbog“. Takvo je bilo kumstvo pretkomunističkoga vakta u Crnoj Gori, koje će g. Amfilohije obnoviti tako što će ga udaljiti od njegova praoblika, ništa manje no što su ga Titovi markso-lenjinisti udaljili. Komunisti su ga gušili, a g. Amfilohije ga persiflažira.

Kad sam uvjeravao banatskog episkopa Amfilohija da je dobro za Crnu Goru ako zauzme mitropolitski tron cetinjski, mislio sam da će on uskladiti kanone s uzusnom praksom crnogorskog pravoslavlja. Posebno sam vjerovao da će tako obrazovani vladika manirom svoga religioznog ponašanja uticati na Crnogorce da se ratosiljaju komunističke ateističke trapovijesti. Ali prevario sam se. Za pravu religioznost i privrženost Božjim zapovijestima treba više duše no pismenosti i poliglotije. Ivo Andrić opisuje u romanu Na Drini ćuprija popa Nikolu koji svojim pogledom obasjava čovjeka nekom božanskom svjetlošću. Isti Andrić u pripovijesti Osatičani ovako opisuje jednoga pravoslavnog mitropolita: „Prerano ostareli mitropolit bio je ne samo usedelički svadljiv i sitničav nego istinski zao i osvetoljubiv čovek, u kome su s godinama usahle i opale sve sposobnosti osim sposobnosti da mrzi. On je pred unutarnjim pogledom, u sebi, stalno nosio mapu svoje mitropolije, a na toj mapi bile su ognjenom rukom označene one parohije u kojima je sedeo paroh s kojim je mitropolit u zavadi i koga treba mrzeti i progoniti, uvek, svakim sredstvima i svakim povodom. Te jarke osvetljene tačke stalno su mu treperile pred očima, pa i za vreme službe u crkvi, čak i u snu. (…) Mitropolit je — šta vredi kriti? — stari krivokletnik, čovek bez srca i bez duše, i u stanju je da upropasti ovu parohiju, samo da bi svoju pizmu izdovoljio.“ A za popa Nikolu Andrić kaže da je toplih očiju, slab s pismenošću a bogat dušom. Pa zaboga, ni Isus Hristos nije bio doktor nauka i poliglota! Crnogorski mitropolit Danilo Dajković, Amfilohijev prethodnik, nije se kitio ničim drugim osim hrišćansko-crnogorskim dostojanstvom. Ponašao se analogno crnogorskim uzusima. Njegovim odlaskom s mitropolitskog trona ugasila se i imitacija one epohe Crnogorske mitropolije koja je kroz vjekove održavala Crnu Goru kao izviiskru slobode i vertikalnoga pravoslavlja. Nijedan crnogorski mitropolit nije bio bez ljudskih mana, neki su ih imali i previše, ali oni koji su ušli u kolektivnu svijest naroda crnogorskog su djelovali i sanjali. No, kao što rekoh, nikada se ne treba zakleti da se ne može povratiti ono što je nekad bilo. Maksim Gorki nas uči da živjeti znači nadati se.

Jednom Amfilohijev portparol (zamislite kakav naziv za crkveno lice!) paroh Nikčević izjavi da sam komunistički konvertit, pa se śetih jednog njegovog razgovora sa mnom. Bijaše došao u pośetu Beogradu patrijarh Moskve i cijele Rusije g. Aleksije. Poslije liturđije u Ruskoj crkvi u Beogradu, priređen je svečani ručak u hotelu Metropol za visokog gosta iz Rusije i svitu koja se okupila u njegovu čast. Za čelnim stolom, a trpeza je bila u obliku krsta, śedijahu patrijarsi, ruski i srpski, četa vladika i princ Tomislav Karađorđević. Za sofrom su predśednici političkijeh stranaka koje su po volji Srpske patrijaršije, Srpske akademije nauka i Slobodana Miloševića. Mene je zapala čast, kao predśednika prosrpske političke partije iz Crne Gore, da u ime prisutnijeh predśednika političkih stranaka održim pozdravni govor na svečanom ručku. To sam i uradio. Poslije sam tekst svoga pozdravnog govora poslao Amfilohijevom časopisu Svetigora koji na Cetinju uređuje paroh Nikčević.

Izađoše nekolika broja Svetigore, a ni traga od moga teksta! Pitam telefonom jerarha Nikčevića šta je bilo s mojim tekstom, a on sa žaljenjem odgovara da je tekst izgubljen. Žali popo tartifski, ali ne traži drugi primjerak teksta. Nijesam odgonetnuo što je g. Amfilohije skrajnuo tekst moga svečanoga govora u čast ruskoga patrijarha. Možda je procijenio da je mnogo mačku goveđa glava, a možda mu je smetalo i naglašeno pominjanje Crne Gore u mome tekstu. Ne kažem da je crnogorska istorija pretrpjela štetu što Amfilohijeva Svetigora nije objavila moj tekst, samo ukazujem na činjenicu da mitropolit Amfilohije motri na svaku sitnicu. Odista bi mu prikladno stajao položaj ministra policije u neparlamentarnoj državi. Doduše, ta njegova ažurnost nekih puta prijeđe u karikaturu. Tako je krštenje i pokrštavanje nekakve francuske vagabunde na Rumiji, prilikom osvećenja tamošnje željezne skalamerije s pravoslavnijem krstom, i nadijevanje mu imena Jovana Vladimira, ne samo karikatura političko-klerikalske ambicije g. Amfilohija, nego i neukusna sprdačina s imenom istorijske ličnosti koja se integrisala u rodoljubivi duh pravoslavaca, katolika i muslimana u oblasti kojom dominira planina Rumija! Knez Vladimir nije bio ni pravoslavac ni katolik, no hrišćanin, a blizu osam stotina godina literarno uobličena legenda o njemu napajala je duh predaka današnjih muslimana, recimo iz Mrkojevića, koji su prešli na islam u XVII vijeku. U najstarijem proznom književnom djelu Crne Gore Ljetopis popa Dukljanina, iz XII vijeka, enormno mjesto zauzima legenda o knezu Vladimiru i njegovoj ženi Kosari. Dakle, i to djelo afirmiše dukljanskoga kneza Vladimira kao zajedničku istorijsku i legendarnu baštinu izrazito multikonfesionalne Crne Gore. Nabijanje Amfilohijeve lamine na Rumiju predstavlja zabijanje krvavoga noža u multietničko biće Crne Gore i udar u same temelje viševjerske duhovnosti oblasti iz koje se uzdigla ponosita Rumija. Taj vjerski složeni kraj Crne Gore, barsko-ulcinjska oblast, nije doživljavao vjerske krvomutnje kakve je imala śeverna Crna Gora. Ostao je barsko-ulcinjski kraj bez svojijeh Šahovića, a bio je besputan za Avra Cemovića i Pavla Đurišića. Čini mi se da je duh legendarnog kneza Vladimira, koga je car Jovan Vladislav umorio na 38 godina prije no se hrišćanstvo raskolilo na pravoslavce i katolike, i na mnogo vjekova prije no su se njegovi zemljaci priklonili islamu, bio preventiva da se ne dogode vjerske krvave pohare kao na śeveru Crne Gore. Viševjekovno i svakogodišnje iznošenje Vladimirova krsta na Rumiju, koji se čuva u Mrkojevićima, u kome jednako učestvuju pravoslavci, katolici i muslimani barsko-ulcinjskog kraja, Amfilohije je gvozdeno prekinuo 2005. ljeta gospodnjeg. Aktuelna vlast u Crnoj Gori trebalo je da budnije prati klerikalno-vojne razgovore i osobe koje ruše mnogovjekovno duhovno jedinstvo vjerski složenog primorsko-rumijskoga kraja. No, davno je kazano da nema ugodnu posmrtnu kanonadu onaj ko od straha umire!

G. Amfilohije Radović je, na neki način, i tragična ličnost Crne Gore. Da je živa Desanka Maksimović, zatražila bi za njega pomilovanje. Čuo sam da je on od svojijeh 13 godina otišao iz Morače, poslije završetka osnovne škole. Otac mu je, vele, bio ugledan domaćin u prestižnome bratstvu i epskome plemenu. I u najtežim danima komunističke krutosti bio je uzoran hrišćanin i vjernik. U to vrijeme samo je stamen čovjek mogao odvesti svoga maloljetnog sina u monašku školu u manastir Rakovicu kraj Beograda. Risto je tamo završio monašku školu, a onda Teološki fakultet u Beogradu. Poslije je bio na studijskim boravcima u Švajcarskoj, Francuskoj i Vatikanu.

G. Amfilohije boravio je više godina kao paroh u Grčkoj, obilazio često Hilandar i Svetu Goru i doktorirao na grčkome jeziku u Atini s tematski prestižnom disertacijom. Pitao sam g. Amfilohija, kad smo boravili u Švajcarskoj, koji jezik najbolje zna: engleski, francuski, njemački, ruski, talijanski, a on mi odgovara da grčki govori kao da mu je maternji jezik. Njegovoj legendi, koja ga je počela pratiti kad se začela priča o njegovom dolasku za srpskog mitropolita u Crnoj Gori, mnogo je pomogla propaganda o njegovoj poliglotiji. Ni Sveti Petar nije znao da priča toliko ljuckije govora, ni vladika Rade, ni kralj Nikola, niti iko otkad je Bog od kamena umijesio Crnu Goru! Nije tada bilo nikoga, pa ni mene koji sam učestvovao u toj propagandi, da objasni narodu da poznavanje mnogo jezika ne donosi i mnogo pameti i dosta morala. Zanesvješćivali se Amfilohijevom poliglotijom, a nijesu se zapitali zašto se recepcioneri u prestižnijem hotelima ne ubrajaju u genijalne ljude, kad svaki odreda tečno govori po nekoliko jezika. Recepcioneri, stjuardese i prevodioci govore strane jezike, a siromasi Sokrat, Platon, Aristotel, Eshil, Sofokle i Fidija zborili su samo svoj maternji jezik. Ojađeli Homer i Starac Milija nijesu znali ni da opepele nijedan strani jezik. No šalu na stranu, a zbilja: mitropolit Amfilohije odista je tragičan stoga što je ostvareni kapital svoga pedigrea, intelekta i položaja uložio na pogrešnu banku. Da je uložio što je imao u korist Crne Gore, ne bi trebalo da se zamara dokazujući da śedi na tronu Petra I i Petra II, to bi mu se samo sobom dokazalo u matičnome tekstu crnogorske istorije. Pošto nema izgleda da će se šešeljevska ideja postvariti srpskom državom od Ogulina do Soluna, u kojoj će jednom dušom disati Srbi pravoslavne, katoličke i islamske vjere, g. Amfilohija slijedi istorijska margina na kojoj se čitaju imena djelatnika bez vizije.

Ako odeš iz Crne Gore kad ti je 13 godina, a vratiš joj se kao zrio čovjek, to znači da tokom svog intelektualnog, moralnog i stručnog sazrijevanja nijesi živio životom svoje domovine. Neka kitna Crnogorka rodi dva jednojajčana sina. Pa neka jednoga odmah pošalju u Kinu da tamo ostane do svoga zrelog doba. Pa neka ga onda vrate i upoznaju s njegovijem rođenijem jednojajčanim bratom. To će biti poznanstvo jednoga Kineza i Crnogorca koji su samo stasom i obrazom jednaki. Duhovna konstelacija im je različita koliko su mentalitetno i kulturološki različite Kina, od milijardu i trista miliona žitelja, i Crna Gora, koja jedva prebacuje pola miliona stanovnika. Śetih se vica. Otišao Milo Đukanović u državnu pośetu Kini. Tokom razgovora upita ga kineski predśednik koliko Crna Gora ima stanovnika. Kad je dvometraški Crnogorac odgovorio, kosooki Kinez ga je zapitao u kom su hotelu odśeli!

Trojica ljudi koji se nijesu formirali u Crnoj Gori­ – Amfilohije Radović, Momir Bulatović i Matija Bećković, nanijeli su joj grdnu štetu. Bećković i Bulatović nijesu ni rođeni u Crnoj Gori. Da je Momir Bulatović kojim slučajem stanovnik SAD, šipak bi postao predśednik, jer američki zakon ne dozvoljava da se za predśednika kandiduje lice koje nije rođeno kao američki državljanin. Matija ne bi imao smetnji da podučava Amere kako će se ćerati jedni s drugijem! Ja imam pravo da ovo govorim, jer sam rođen i vijek provodim u Crnoj Gori. Razumije se, ne uobražavam da je rodni list jemac pameti, morala i intelekta. Kakav sam u svemu tome, i kako provodim svoj radni vijek, neka procjenjuju građani Crne Gore ovako otvoreno kako ja procjenjujem kaluđersko-politički lik i djelo g. Amfilohija, mitropolita crnogorsko-primorskog, zetsko-brdskog, skenderijskog i egzarha svetoga trona u Peći.

Umjesto zaključka činim ovaj prijedlog, koji sam davno saopštio na jednoj televizijskoj stanici, a koji je ostao bez odgovora. Pozivam na televizijski razgovor g. Amfilohija Radovića. Tema razgovora neka bude – Vjerska i nacionalna mapa Crne Gore u prošlosti i danas. Ne postavljam nikakve uslove osim da voditelj bude savjestan čovjek. Nudim i alternativu ovome prijedlogu. Neka u razgovoru budu Amfilohije Radović, mitropolit i Matija Bećković, akademik, na jednoj strani, a ja sam na drugoj. Tražim samo da imam vremena u razgovoru koliko njih dvojica skupa imaju. Pristajem da se njima dvojici unaprijed dostave pitanja, a ja ih ne tražim. Ako jedan, ili oba, ne pristanu na TV razgovor sa mnom, tražim da javno kažu zašto odbijaju moj prijedlog. Neka slobodno kažu da li im ne odgovaram intelektualno, stručno, moralno, vokabularno, estetski, parfemski, toaletno, ili nekako drugačije. Neka me ne štede. Pristajem da se realizuje moj eventualno prihvaćeni prijedlog na bilo kojoj televizijskoj stanici u Crnoj Gori.

RATNIČKO-POLITIČKE KONOTACIJE KOSOVSKOGA MITA U PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

Još je otvoreno pitanje je li postojala jedna sveobuhvatna usmeno-epska pjesma o Kosovskome boju, tzv. lazarica, ili se pak mit o kosovskome martirstvu očuvao u odlomcima te lazarice, odnosno u kosovskome ciklusu koji čine pjesme s kosovskom tematikom u Vukovoj drugoj knjizi Srpskijeh narodnijeh pjesama. I Vuk Karadžić se pitao da li su pjesme koje je sakupio djelovi jedne epopeične deseteračke organizacije, ili su to posebne pjesničke cjeline, s uobičajenoga usmenog puta kroz prostor i vrijeme, čiji je finalni oblik on zapisao od pjesnika-pjevača. Međutim, naslov Komadi od različnijeh kosovskijeh pjesama kao da nenamjerno iskazuje Vukovu opredijeljenost za pjesme kao autonomne cjeline, a ne za očuvane djelove sveobuhvatne lazarice. Da je drukčije mislio, Karadžić ne bi precizirao – „komadi od različnijeh kosovskijeh pjesama“, nego bi te komade označio naslovom kao djelove jedne cjeline, odnosno lazarice. Vuk je inače mnogo držao do naslova. On, na primjer, pjesmi Tešana Podrugovića koja govori o ženidbi srpskoga cara Stjepana daje naslov Ženidba Dušanova jer se iz sadržine jasno viđelo da se radi o caru Dušanu. Znajući da je svaki Nemanjić u korpusu svoga vladarskog imena imao i odrednicu Stjepan odnosno Stefan, Vuk se opredijelio za naslov koji je analogan istorijskome sadržaju epske fabule. Znajući da je Karađorđe krenuo na dahije s blagoslovom sultana i s turskom zastavom, Vuk ne naslovljava Višnjićevu pjesmu kao ustanak na Turke, nego vrlo precizno – Početak bune protiv dahija. U principu, tako su precizni svi naslovi pjesama koje je objavio Vuk Karadžić.

Poslije Vuka jedni su istraživači usmene epike bili bliži lazarici, neki su, kao Stojan Novaković, pokušavali da je formiraju od postojećijeh pjesama, ali većina se opredijelila za uvjerenje da jedna sveobuhvatna pjesma o Kosovu nije ni postojala.

Epske usmene pjesme o Kosovskome boju 1389. godine – bugarštice, osmeračke i, neuporedivo najmnogobrojnije – deseteračke, same sobom pokazuju da nije bilo potrebnijeh socio-političkih i idejno-emotivnih uslova za postanak i opstanak usmene pjesme o Kosovu koja bi pratila događaje ab ovo usque ad mala, odnosno koja bi homerski organizovala pregled kosovskoga događanja.

Mnogobrojnost epskijeh usmenih pjesama o Marku Kraljeviću, koje ga prate in continuo od rođenja do smrti, analogna je narodnoj potrebi da se, tokom duge osmanske vladavine, pjeva o junaku zaštitniku, heroju koji je supstitut svakodnevnih interesa pravoslavne raje u Turskoj carevini. Takav narodni Marko ukida svadbarinu koju je nametnuo vilajetski napasnik, Kraljević potegne ralo i volove te pobije halapljive janjičare. Marko sluša majku Jevrosimu pa ne sudi po ajteru već „po pravdi Boga istinoga“. Realnost takvoga Markova zaštitničkog ponašanja pravda činjenica što je on posinak cara od Stambola! Carsku šćer spašava od aždaja, on eliminiše carskog odmetnika Musu Kesedžiju koji niz primorje ravno vješa hodže i hadžije. Marku, carskome posinku, sve se prašta: on uz Ramazan pije vino, igra u kolu s kadunama, može da zagazi „caru na serdžadu“, a kad je preoljućen da „doćera cara do duvara!“ Ali, nikad se Marko nije drznuo protiv padiše i devleta, nikad nije okrznuo carske zakone; on samo prolazi put od zaštitnika raje do vazalnoga podložnika. I najrasrđenijega Marka car umiruje šakom dukata – „Idi Marko te se napij vina!“ Riječju, Marko Kraljević je u usmenoj epici od interesa i političkog habitusa pravoslavne raje koja nije patila ni od carske svemoći ni od naredbi devleta, no od lokalnijeh divanija koje su na širinama Osmanskoga carstva prelazili limite carske volje i kršili zakone Visoke Porte. Odnos cara i Porte prema pravoslavnoj raji najtačnije je ocijenio Filip Višnjić, što doslovno prihvata i kritička istorija. Višnjićev car Murat na samrti uči lale i vezire:

„Ja umrijeh, vama dobih carstvo,
nego ovo mene posušajte,
da vam carstvo dugovječno bude:
vi nemojte raji gorki biti,
veće raji vrlo dobri bud’te –
nek je harač petnaest dinari,
nek je harač i trideset dinari,
ne iznos’te globa ni poreza,
ne iznos’te na raju bijeda,
ne dirajte u njihove crkve,
ni u zakon, niti u poštenje,
ne ćerajte osvete na raji (…)
Vi nemojte raju razgoniti
po šumama, da od vas zazire,
nego paz’te raju ko sinove –
tako će vam dugo biti carstvo“!

Višnjić je, dakle, u svome spjevu koji obuhvata početak bune na dahije, odmetnike od cara i zakona, i prerastanje bune u ustanak protiv osmanske uprave, saopštio istorijsku istinu koja se može pozitivistički kontrolisati. Višnjićevo sagledavanje istorije, koje ima homersku snagu svjedočenja, prihvatili su istoričari, jednako Leopold Ranke i Vasa Čubrilović. Balkanske države lako su padale pod Osmanlije zato što je balkanski feudalizam u rasipanju država više iscrpljivao kmeta i sebra, pa i vlasteličića, no što će ga izrabljivati Tursko carstvo u periodu svoga osvajačkog uspona. Činjenica da će se epska slika hajduka iz osnova promijeniti tokom sto godina, što možemo i kontrolisati poređenjem pjesama iz Erlangenskog rukopisa, s početka XVIII vijeka, i Vukova zbornika, pokazuje da se pravoslavni rajetin koga štite carski zakoni nije oduševljavao hajdučkijem akcijama, sve do Prvoga srpskog ustanka kad će „nići raja ko iz zemlje trava“, odnosno kad će hajduci u pjesmama poprimiti viteško obličje. Uostalom, Vuk Karadžić je dao jednako lapidarnu i analitičku sliku hajdučije u Srpskome rječniku. Kaže da je manje hajduka bivalo u sredinama đe je pravednija turska uprava, da su u hajduke poneki išli ne od zuluma turskoga, no da se „nanose lijepije haljina i oružja“, i da su u tevtiš protiv hajduka-pljačkaša jednako išli Srbi i Turci. Tek će ustaničko vrijeme, kad buna protiv dahijskijeh odmetnika preraste u ustanak protiv Turske carevine, i kad se hajduci s planina sjure u ustaničke čete, nakititi hajdučko junaštvo ustaničkijem elanom sa slobodarskim smislom. Međutim, ni poetsko narastanje pjesama o hajducima neće ukriti hajdučku pljačku koja ne pita za vjeru. Hajduka interesuju ćemeri i bisage, a ne pak vjerska znamenja. Starina Novak s najviše planine osmatra drumove „kud prolaze Turci i trgovci!“, osobito trgovci. A kad su ustanici u Topoli birali vođu bune na dahije, osnovna zamjerka Karađorđu bila je to što se odmetnuo u hajduke. Ko je jednom okusio hajdučiju, nikad nije mogao knezom postati; ako bi mu turske vlasti oprostile odmetanje od zakona, mogao je postati samo pandur. Onoga kome se nije moglo oprostiti – čekao je kolac! Hajduk nije imao status protivnika vlasti, no kriminalca i zločinca.

Prema tome, pravoslavni narod je tokom viševjekovne turske uprave stvarao usmenu književnost, poeziju i prozu, prema mjeri svojijeh interesa i shodno svome političkom profilu. Na raskršćima takvijeh interesnih prilika oformili su se prirodni prostori za utemeljenje lika Marka Kraljevića, zaštitnika raje i sultanovoga vazala, prostori na kojima nije bilo mjesta za slobodarskoga zažetnika i hrišćanskoga martira Miloša Obilića. Vido Latković pokušao je da dokaže kako se oformio ideološki i psihološki ambijent u teokratskoj Crnoj Gori za uzgajanje lika Miloša Obilića, kosovskoga podvižnika bez mane i straha. Ali Latković se više poveo mitom o Milošu koji je Njegoš integrisao u Gorski vijenac, nego za stvarnijem činjenicama, odnosno za epskijem pjesmama iz Crne Gore koje bi emitovale užiljenje Miloševa podviga u crnogorskoj usmenoj tradiciji. Nijedna antologijska pjesma o Kosovu i Milošu nije zapisana sa crnogorskoga terena. Boris Nikolajevič Putilov kategorično kaže: „Od kosovskih pjesama iz zbirke Vuka Karadžića nijedna nije zapisana u Crnoj Gori.“ Čak ni sakupljački rad Sima Milutinovića, niti bilo koji drugi ne dokazuje da je Crna Gora bila izabrana zemlja za mit o Kosovu! Uostalom, ni u kosovskom ciklusu kod Vuka Miloš nije djelatni lik, o njegovom podvigu zna se samo iz pričanja drugijeh, iz napomena o njemu. Uvodna pjesma slijepe Stjepanije Propast carstva srpskoga nudi teogonijsku predestinaciju događaja i Lazareve profile uzornoga hrišćanina i državnika. U Podrugovićevoj pjesmi Car Lazar i carica Milica, uz temu koju naslov precizira, dato je dosta mjesta neistorijskijem Jugovićima, a Miloš se samo na kraju uzgredno spominje. Ta je pjesma više o slugi Golubanu no o Milošu! U Komadima viteški sijaju opet neistorijski Boško Jugović, Srđa Zlopogleđa, Toplica i Kosančić, Miloš je onđe samo oklevetani vitez koji se zariče na podvig, ali se podvig ne vidi! U ostalim antologijskijem pjesmama kosovskoga ciklusa data je porodična atmosfera u liku Majke Jugovića i Kosovke đevojke. Dakle, kosovskijem ciklusom, osim Lazara i Milice, defiluju uglavnom neistorijski likovi, više je tu našao mjesta život povodom Kosova no kosovska ratnička povjesnica. Tako se klasična epika o Kosovu koja broji nešto preko hiljadu stihova, bezmalo slaže s Konstantinom Filozofom koji četrdesetak godina poslije Kosovske bitke pominje samo „blagorodnog muža“ koji se ustremio na cara Agarjanina, ali ime mu biograf ne pominje. Prema tome, istorijski i socijalni realiteti srpskoga naroda u Turskome carstvu nijesu otvarali prostora za književno uobličavanje obilićkog martirskoga podviga kao centralne teme bar jedne pjesme, i taj podvig ne prelazi mjeru uzgrednosti. Kao što je već istaknuto, sve do razmaha Prvoga srpskoga ustanka, kad će epska junačko-istorijska pjesma dobiti svoju umjetničku završnicu, nije srpski rajetin imao inicijativu da se oduševljava Obilićevim podvigom, no su podvizi Marka Kraljevića bili mjera njegovijeh interesa.

I u Crnoj Gori izostali su uslovi za pjesnički rast kosovske mitske legende. Od pada Crnojevića države pod Turke krajem XV vijeka, pa do turskoga poloma pod Bečom i Karlovačkoga mira, kad će Rusija početi da traži svoje interese u Crnoj Gori, crnogorski bratstvenik i plemenik takođe nije imao inicijativu da se zagrijava za hrišćansko martirstvo kome kao uzor služi Obilićev podvig na Kosovu. Čak ni okršaji koje su često vodili udruženi Mlečani i Crnogorci protiv Turaka nijesu ostavili traga u pjesmi. U primječaniju Ogledala srpskog Njegoš se čudi što se pjesma nije osvrnula na te borbe koje su se glasile tokom XVI i XVII vijeka. Međutim, čuđenju mjesta nema, bilo je okršaja, čak i bojeva, ali tokom tijeh dvjesta godina crnogorska kolektivna svijest nije se bila pokrenula u odlučnu borbu za oslobođenje, a pjesme se narodne neće dotaći onoga što se nije dotaklo kolektivne svijesti. Čak i Njegoš u Gorskome vijencu potvrđuje da je bio postignut suživot pravoslavnih i islamiziranih Crnogoraca. Hodža je učio na Cetinju i u Ćeklićima, kadija je stolovao na Obodu, Začir je imao svoga kavazbašu, turski grad Besac dozivao se s Crmnicom! Rođaci od dvije vjere išli su u bojeve zajedno, kosa njihovijeh žena zajedno se sasipala „na groblje junačko!“ U svatovima Sulja barjaktara Crnogoraca je „malo manje nego polovina“! U takvome plemenskom i bratstveničkom dvovjerskom miljeu izostali su prijemnici za zažetničko martirstvo Miloša Obilića.

Pa kasnije, tokom vladavine Petrovića, crnogorska bratstva i plemena najčešće su se separatno suprotstavljala Turcima kad bi dolazilo do obračuna. O naponu kolektivne svijesti koju bi usmjeravao Milošev podvig samo se uslovno može govoriti čak i u najodsudnijim trenucima kakva je bila Bitka na Krusima. Uslovno iz prostog razloga što mitropolit-gospodar nije bio siguran da će mu se odazvati sva bratstva i plemena, kao što se nijesu ni odazvala. Od svijeh likova crnogorske boračke epike samo se Nikac od Rovina izvjesno domogao uloge opštecrnogorskoga junaka, svi ostali epski likovi reprezentuju svoje pleme, odnosno bratstvo. Kletva Petra I koja je imala moć preventive i egzekutiva Vladike Rada, koja je koštala glave svakoga ko se navijao više Skadru no Cetinju, jesu činjenice koje naglašavaju nemogućnost kolektivnoga usijanja za obilićevski podvig u Crnoj Gori.

Vido Latković, značajni istraživač usmene književnosti i Njegoševe poezije, poveo se za svojijem uvjerenjem da je Njegoš mogao onako moćno uklopiti kosovski mit u Gorski vijenac s funkcijom ideologije oslobodilačke borbe, kojom se dramski spjev bavi, zato što je pjesnik izronio iz narodne tradicije i usmene književnosti kao vulkan iz zemlje! U teorijskom smislu Latković bi mogao biti u pravu, ali on nije uzeo u obzir jednu posebnost koja izmiče teorijskom globalizmu. Naime, Njegoš se razlikuje od svih tvoraca epova koji su pripremljeni usmeno-književnom prethodnošću. Nije na isti način izronio iz književne usmenosti Njegoš kako su izronili pjesnici Epa o Gilgamešu, Ilijade, Nibelunga, Rolanda, Sida i dr. Njegoševa specifičnost je u tome što je on živio u isto vrijeme kad i pjesnici-pjevači, prenosioci i tvorci usmene epike. A onda je imao i jednu nadspecifičnost u činjenici što je pjesme tih istijeh nepismenih savremenika čitao iz antologijski pripremljenih knjiga koje su pozdravili stvaraoci i umjetnici, kao Jakob Grim i Gete! Zato Njegoš nema prirodno izrastanje iz svoje usmene prethodnosti, onakvo kakvo je imao jedan Homer. Njegoš se usmenom književnom baštinom služio bez zazora kao što se Homer služio, ali je tu usmenu književnu baštinu procjenjivao rezonima vladike i državnika, o njegovom pjesnički spontanom odnosu prema tom usmenom književnom nasljeđu ne može biti ni riječi! Vladika, gospodar, dinast, putnik po Evropi, čitalac Puškina i Miltona i prevodilac Homera, odnosio se prema usmenome književnom nasljeđu s nivoa svoga obrazovanja, s nivoa sveukupnosti svoje ličnosti, a taj nivo ima malo zajedničkoga s nivoom usmenoga nepismenog pjesnika-pjevača, najčešće slijepca i prosjaka! Zato ne bi bilo pregrubo reći da je kosovska epika pružila pjesniku Gorskoga vijenca samo podsticaj za ideološku intonaciju spjeva, što je upravo obilićevsko hrišćansko-junačko martirstvo. Valja ovđe pomenuti da je vladika Vasilije Petrović u svojoj Istoriji o Crnoj Gori pomenuo kosovskoga podvižnika Obiljevića, ne zato što ga je bila ispunila tradicija o Kosovu, kojom nije ni raspolagala Crna Gora, nego zato što mu je to bilo kurentno kao vladici i piscu pseudoistorijske povjesnice Crne Gore, koju je prvjenstveno namijenio čitaocima ruskijeh plemićkih i crkvenih krugova. Vladika Vasilije zavještao je Rusiji svoj grob i svoju legendarnu istoriju Crne Gore!

Gorski vijenac i Šćepan Mali pokazuju da je pjesnik raspolagao ne samo bogatstvom asocijacije na usmenu književnost, nego su vidljivi i direktni inputi te književnosti u tkivo pomenutijeh djela. Međutijem, kao što je primijetio Nikolaj Velimirović, u Gorskom vijencu se samo Bog češće spominje no Miloš Obilić! Tako ispada da su tradicija i usmena književnost Crne Gore utkani mnogo više u sve druge prostore Gorskoga vijenca nego u Miloša Obilića koji se u spjevu pominje gotovo koliko i Bog savaot! Zato je Miloš Obilić u Gorskom vijencu samo Njegošev, a ne pak Miloš iz crnogorske usmene tradicije. Uostalom, sve do Tronoškoga rodoslova i djela Zaharija Orfelina i Vasilija Petrovića nema pomena kosovskoga podvižnika po imenu „Miloš Obilić“. Spomeni ubice cara Murata kod turskijeh hroničara nijesu bitni za ovu raspravu.

Međutim, samo po sebi se postavlja pitanje: ko je Njegoša upoznao s kosovskijem mitom, odnosno, ko ga je naveo da taj detalj srbijanske istorije, s kojijem Crna Gora nema baš nikakve veze, uzdigne do nebeskih visina? U kosovskom boju učestvovale su i hrvatske trupe, ali zetskih nije bilo! Ko je imao uticaj na Njegoša u početnim danima njegovoga stvaralaštva i odredio mu ideološko-nacionalno pjesničko usmjerenje? Istoričari su odavno dali odgovore na ova pitanja. Presudnu ulogu odigrao je Simeon Milutinović, poznatiji kao Simo Sarajlija – srpski pjesnik, pisar, hajduk, prevodilac, izrazito ekscentrična i kontroverzna ličnost. Nadimak „Sarajlija“ dobio je po svome rodnome gradu, Sarajevu, u koje je njegov otac došao iz Srbije. U skoro svim aspektima svoga života i rada Simo je bio nestalan, ali je imao jednu uočljivo postojanu opsesiju – naime, kako je to posvjedočio Ljubomir Nenadović, on je „imao jednu stalnu usmjerenost: da uporno propagira tzv. srpstvo“. Godine 1827. došao je u Crnu Goru, i tu se nastanio na nekoliko godina. Postao je sekretar Petra I, koji ga je ovako okarakterisao u pismu Jeremiji Gagiću: „Ja ne znam bi li se ikakav drugi Serbin soglasio živjeti u Cernoj Gori, kako što je naš ljubazni Milutinović soglasan“. Na početku svoga boravka Simeon je napisao Tragediju „Obilić“. Mnoge stvari nam postaju jasnije kada uzmemo u obzir to da je Milutinović bio vaspitač mladom Radu Tomovu, budućem Petru II Petroviću Njegošu. Iako ga je neredovno i nesređeno obrazovao, ostavio je jak utisak na ovog znanja željnog mladića. Simo je uspio da trajno determiniše Njegošev odnos prema nacionalnom karakteru Crne Gore i njenoj istoriji, u kome mitološka priča o kosovskom boju, Obilićevom martirstvu i iskupljenju srpstva, baca u zaśenak sve izvorne crnogorske kulturno-istorijske tekovine. Peti čin Sarajlijine drame Dika crnogorska (1828) inspirisao je Njegoša da napiše Gorski vijenac.

Tako oformljenoga Miloša Obilića u Gorskome vijencu importovaće u kolektivnu svijest i crnogorskog i srpskog naroda isti Negošev spjev. A importovao ga je onda kad je Srbija u obliku autonomije i nasljednoga knjaževstva već uživala vidljive plodove dvaju ustanaka, dok se Cna Gora nalazila u izuzetno teškoj situaciji. Tada je skadarski vezir Osman-paša Skopljak bio pritisnuo i posljednja crnogorska ostrva na Skadarskome jezeru, tad se Porta spremala da, uz reforme koje je mislila sprovesti u Bosni i Hercegovini, već jednom i konačno vojno utalumi Crnu Goru. To će ubrzo i pokušati da uradi Omer-paša Latas. Tako se povodom kosovskog mita desila jedinstvena antinomija. U Njegoševo vrijeme, Srbija, koja je izgubila bitku na Kosovu, mogla je da govori o kosovskome podvigu i Obiliću kao o svojoj prošlosti, a Crna Gora, koja nije učestvovala u Kosovskoj bici, krajnje aktuelizuje kosovski martirski podvig kao događaj na koji se treba ugledati. A onda se dalje odmotava platno istorijske neobičnosti. Kao da je radila po receptu Gorskoga vijenca, Srbija će revnosno uklanjati sa svoje teritorije sve tragove islamske vjere i osmanske kulture, što Crna Gora neće uraditi poslije Berlinskoga kongresa. Da je knez Miloš Obrenović bio pismen, mogli bismo pomisliti da je priželjno čitao Gorski vijenac, a na osnovu proglasa koje knjaz Nikola upućuje „braći Muhamedovog zakona“ moglo bi se zaključiti da Gorski vijenac nije ostavio ideološko-političkog traga na državnoj politici obrazovanog Nikole I. Uostalom, ovi Njegoševi stihovi, odnosno poruke ustanika iz Gorskoga vijenca, nemaju svoju prethodnost u usmenoj poeziji Crnogoraca i Srba :

„Luna i krst dva strašna simvola,
njihovo je na grobnice carstvo,
sljedovat im rijekom krvavom
u lađici teška stradanija (…)
Krst i topuz neka se sudare,
Kome prsne čelo kuku njemu (…)
Udri vraga ne ostav mu traga (…)
No lomite munar i džamiju (…)
Kako smrde ove poturice!“

Gorski vijenac ispjevan desetercem koji, kao guslarski recitativ, nose Crnogorci u svome sluhu, naići će na prijemnike kako rijetkijeh plemenika koji umiju s knjigom beśediti, tako i kod njihovih nepismenih saplemenika. Uz to su Njegoševi stihovi prijemčivi za pamćenje i zato što ih je ispjevao gospodar, jednako prijek i pametan. Pamtiti Njegoševe slobodarske i antiturske stihove značilo je raspolagati rječitom naklonošću prema inače prijekome gospodaru. A opšta popularnost Gorskoga vijenca uvjeravala je Njegoša da njegov spjev na najbolji način slijedi hrišćansku ideju koja se takoreći nije prekidala od prvog krstaškog rata pa nadalje. Svi krstaški ratovi i svete alijanse, svi genocidni obračuni, kao oni u Španiji i na Siciliji, posebno ratovi slovenskijeh sila, Rusije i Poljske, protiv Osmanlija, odnosno sav hrišćanski antiislamski ratnički entuzijazam, usmjeravala je zajednička želja da se Turci proćeraju iz Evrope! Njegoš je bio svjestan da se antiislamskim nabojem Gorskog vijenca cjelovito uklapa u tradicionalnu vjersko-ratničku ideologiju jednako istočnog i zapadnog krila Hristove crkve. Ucjepljenjem te ideologije u kolektivnu svijest Crnogoraca, što je postignuto preko Gorskoga vijenca, Njegoš je isprednjačio svijem prethodnicima na istome poslu. Međutim, to prvjenstvo koje je imalo pozitivan i ideološki i istorijski trend tokom ratova za oslobađanje crnogorskijeh teritorija od osmanske vlasti, imaće negativne implikacije pošto se srede računi s Turskom carevinom.

Import Gorskoga vijenca u široke narodne slojeve, odnosno kosovskoga mita preko Njegoševa spjeva, imaće dalekosežne posljedice na edukativnome planu, posebno u njegovom nacionalno-političkome, i posebno, vjerskome smjeru. Moglo bi se reći da su plemenski separatizam u Crnoj Gori i nejedinstvo u prijelomnijem događajima, kao barijera državnome organizmu, zadobili konačni udarac Gorskim vijencem. Stega Petra I i stezanje za vrat plemensko-bratstveničkoga separatizma i partikularizma od strane Petra II fizički su pripremali Crnu Goru za državno jedinstvo, a Gorski vijenac dao je tome jedinstvenu duhovnu koheziju. Ideologija hrišćansko-martirske spremnosti ucijepila se u crnogorsku svijest posredstvom Gorskoga vijenca. Tu ideologiju, koja će se u pisanom obliku doturiti uglavnom nepismenim plemenicima, Njegoš je pripremao i prije Gorskog vijenca. U antologiju deseteračkih guslarskih pjesama Ogledalo srpsko Vladika je unio pjesme ne po estetskome kriterijumu, no po svojijem političkim, državničkim i dinastičkim rezonima! A bio je već izgradio vrhunski književni ukus, pjesme za Ogledalo nije pribirao pjesnik Svobodijade i narodskih pjesama, no tvorac Luče mikrokozma. Luču je objavio 1845, a Ogledalo 1846. godine. U nauci je već istaknuto da je Njegoš zaobišao pjesmu o pogibiji Batrića Perovića iz Vukove zbirke koja je uočljivo književno uspjelija od varijante koju je unio u Ogledalo, o čijem pjevaču, razumije se, ne daje računa. Takođe je do sada isticano da je Njegoš vršio intervencije na više pjesama koje je obradio za antologiju, a s najviše se sigurnosti može reći da je pjesma Sinovi Obilića njegova rukotvorina.

U toj pjesmi povjerava se uloga Nikcu od Rovina kakvu do tada nije imao nijedan junak u crnogorskoj epici, a ta je epika “punija istorije no poezije” – kako je s pravom rekao Vuk Karadžić! Naime, Nikac se u ime sve Crne Gore, a ne samo svoga plemena, kako to obično biva, obilićevski ustremljuje na Ćehaj-pašu koji je pao na Ubla Čevska baš kao što je nekad pao Murat na Kosovo ravno! Htio je Njegoš da se pelcer kosovskoga ratničkog martirstva primi u Crnoj Gori preko jedne kraće guslarske pjesme, zgodne za pamćenje i pjevanje.

Preko te pjesme prirodnije se doživjela obilićevska inkantacija slobodarske žrtveničke zažetosti u Gorskom vijencu. Pjesnik će objaviti Gorski vijenac samo godinu dana kasnije od Ogledala. Nikac ide “prsi nadutijeh” da učini podvig o kome će pričati “do poslijed ljudi!” Taj isti Nikac u usmenijem pjesmama, koje nijesu ideološko-politički redigovane, cucki je plemenik koji kombinuje čobanovanje u Nenadi zelenoj planini s uskakanjem u turske pogranične pokrajine junačkoga plijena radi! Kakve je snage u crnogorsko-krajiškim obračunima s Turcima imao plemensko-bratstvenički agon najbolje pokazuje pjesma Vuk Tomanović koju je Njegoš takođe unio u Ogledalo. Plemenske čete i harambaše uhvatili busiju da napadnu Turke s krdima stoke. Prvi džeferdarom opali Cuca, gibenika pośeče Bjelica, a Čevljanin kliknu svoje plemenike da očuvaju plemenski ugled:

“O Čevljani, Čeva ne viđeli,
ubi Cuca, pośeče Bjelica!”

Nikad u crnogorskoj usmenoj epici, prije pjesme Sinovi obilića u Njegoševoj antologiji, nije isticana slava koja se postiže u ime Crne Gore, nego je ujednačena nužnost roda i plemena s podvizima koji se u ime njih vrše. Na toj ravni, kako je to Vuk primijetio, istorija je u crnogorskoj usmenoj epici nadjačavala poeziju! Čak i u pjesmi Smrt Nikca od Rovina, đe su homerski ujednačeni Nikac i Jakšar Babić, vitez-čobanin od Rovina traži boračka znamenja od grada Nikšića, kao harač za svoju junačku premoć. To traži od Hamze kapetana, ne u ime Crne Gore i gospodara s Cetinja, no u ime sebe i drugijeh harambaša iz svoga plemena. Nikac potražnjom takvoga “harača” ne začikiva ni Tursku carevinu ni njenu vjeru. To se samo krajiški junak s jedne strane nadgornjava s krajiškim gradom s druge! Pjesmom Sinovi Obilića, međutim, krajiška hroničarsko-istorijska povjesnica Crne Gore u desetercu poprima legendarnost i poetska zgusnuća kojima raspolažu pjesme “najstarijih” i “srednjih” vremena, kako ih je nazvao Vuk. Takođe je u nauci istaknuto da se pored Njegoševe ideološko-političke motivacije antologičarskoga posla, iz Ogledala iščitava i Njegoševa lektira koju je pažljivo konsultovao tokom svojijeh priprema za pisanje Gorskoga vijenca. Tu činjenicu eklatantno potvrđuje i direktni uticaj Višnjićeve pjesme Početak bune protiv dahija na prvo kolo u Gorskome vijencu, u kome narod osuđuje proklete velikaše koji su “na komate razdrobili” Dušanovo carstvo! To je direktno uzeto iz Višnjića, razumije se – uzeto s pravom svijeh epopeičnih pjesnika koji su izrastali iz usmene književne prethodnosti jezika kojijem pjevaju. Njegoš je iz Višnjića, čije je pjesme o Prvome srpskom ustanku unio u Ogledalo, preuzeo reminiscenciju umnoga starca Foča koji, uz dokaze knjiga indžijela, kaže da nebeske prilike “viš Srbije po nebu vedrome”, koje predskazuju da će se nepravdom već izlomljeno Tursko carstvo srušiti, nijesu nikakva novina. Baš iste takve “nebeske prilike” titrale su na nebu Srbije kad su velikaši zbacili vladu i državu i ”nevjerni caru postanuli!” Njegoš je iz narodne poezije po uzusima preuzimao, ali za razliku od pjesnika Ilijade služio se književnom usmenošću u pisanom obliku.

Gorski vijenac nosio je sa sobom sve preporuke da se duboko ucijepi u sluh i duh crnogorskoga naroda. Vrhunska poezija i mudrost plijenili su rijetke čitaoce i masovne slušaoce, ali ipak ne toliko koliko ih je plijenio antiturski, odnosno antisilamski naboj deseteračkoga spjeva koji je podario najmudriji među gospodarima. Treba napomenuti da je pod pojmom Turci plemenik podvodio i vjeru i politiku, pa se o tolerantnosti prema islamu kao monoteističkoj religiji širokijeh razmjera i ostvarene kulture moglo razmišljati samo u glavama izuzetnih pojedinaca koji s uzvišenja svoje intelektualne i obrazovne uznesenosti više vide “no oni pod brdom”. To su ipak bili rijetki izuzeci, a plemeniku i bratstveniku, koji je znao za silne paše i vezire koji su vojštili na njegovo pleme i svu Crnu Goru, Gorski vijenac kodifikovao je norme ponašanja prema Turcima i islamu. Autoritet tih normi naglasio je gospodar koliko i pjesnik, a prilježnost da se norme prihvate poduslanjao je strah od novijeh Ćuprilića, Ćehaj-paša i Bušatlija koji su bili izvjesni.

Ratničko-političke konotacije kosovskoga mita koje su pjesnički uobličene u Gorskome vijencu prerastanjem u narodno iskustvo iskazivale su istorijski pozitivnu ulogu tokom svih crnogorskijeh borbi s Turcima do konačnoga povlačenja Osmanlija s crnogorskih prostora. U podvige Grahovca, Fundine, Vučjega Dola i drugijeh okršaja s osmanskom silom, utkan je kosovski mit, odnosno Gorski vijenac, koji je na najefikasniji način ponudio taj mit kao ideologiju onih koji će prihvatiti to djelo kao ratničko-vjerski amanetik. I tu se završava pozitivna misija kosovskoga mita koji je u crnogorsku svijest naselio Vladika Rade.

Na osnovu takve uloge kosovskoga martirstva u Crnoj Gori, Ivo Andrić će zaključiti da Crnogorci u svome pogledu imaju “refleks kosovske krvi”. Doduše, to Andrić izgovara u vrijeme uspaljenoga aleksandrovskog jugoslovenstva kad je i Ivan Meštrović izvodio mermernu adorativnu simfoniju jugoslovenstva kroz Kosovski hram, Obilića i Srđu Zlopogleđu. Razumije se, ni Andrić ni Meštrović nijesu bili u prilici da razumiju način utoka “kosovske krvi” u kolektivni duh Crnogoraca. Ponijeti idejom jugoslovenstva i krvnom vezom kralja Aleksandra Karađorđevića i Njegoša, stvaraoci najvišeg ranga, Andrić i Meštrović, više su davali oduška svome romantičarskom rukopisu nego racionalno kontrolisanom ubjeđenju.

Ipak, kosovska mitologija ne bi se tako cjelovito uselila u duh jednoga naroda, odnosno ne bi svoj pozitivni istorijski profil harlekinski zamijenila genocidnim profilom, da nije Srpska pravoslavna crkva uzela stvar u svoje ruke.

Utapanjem autokefalne Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve u Srpsku patrijaršiju 1920. godine, kosovsko martirstvo poslužilo je karađorđevićevskoj crkvi kao najelitnija propaganda Patrijaršije koja obuhvata sve pravoslavne prostore Jugoslavije, države na čijem tronu śedi kralj kroz čije žile protiče krv vožda Karađorđa i pjesnika Gorskoga vijenca! Pravoslavno-srpski ideolozi, prvjenstveno Nikolaj Velimirović, Gavrilo Dožić i Justin Popović, proturili su propagandu da su Srbi nebeski i Hristu najbliži narod zato što su više vjekova razapinjani na krstu ropstva koje su im priugotovili Kur’an i Turci.

Miloša Obilića kao boračko-oslobodilačko božanstvo iz Gorskoga vijenca srpska će crkva uzdići na nivo Hristovog dvojnika, martira prvoga reda koji se borbom za srpsku slobodu upravo izborio za hristoliku žrtvu. Takva svakodnevna crkvena apologetika kosovskoga podvižništva najviše se dojmila masi, dojmila se i onima koje nije dohvatio Gorski vijenac. Savila je ta propaganda pod svoju egidu puk koga je ista crkva vaspitala da ne valja kritički razmišljati o onome o čemu govori pop s oltara! Vjerujuća pastva koja nije sposobna da razlikuje umjetničku od istorijske i antropološke istine prihvatila je lokalne sižee Gorskoga vijenca i govor likova u spjevu kao kanone koje je propisao Vladika Rade. Sve što pravoslavni likovi izgovaraju u Gorskome vijencu slivalo se toj pastvi u bibliju svakodnevne prakse. Antiislamski naboj, koji je evidentan u Gorskome vijencu, prihvatao se kao pjesnički krilata istina i moralno-političko uputstvo kojime nema prigovora. Na moguću primjedbu da Njegoš nije baš tako mislio, slijedio bi apodiktički odgovor nijesi ti valjda pametniji od Vladike Rada! Takav građanin nema nijednu pretpostavku da procjenjuje interferentnost konkretnog iskaza u lokalnom sižeu djela i lika koji daje taj iskaz, sve što se u Gorskom vijencu kaže o islamu i Turcima rekao je Vladika Rade. A bogme on je mudriji od svijeh vladika i gospodara koji su ikada vladali zemljom na krajini ljutoj! Po takvom shvatanju i doživljavanju Gorskog vijenca, Vladika Rade zapovijeda: „Luna i krst“ mogu „sljedovat“ samo „rijekom krvavom“, treba „lomit munar i džamiju“ da bi se istrijebila „guba iz torine“, neka se „krst i topuz“ sudare, jer „smrde ove poturice“, „oltar pravi“ podiže se „na kamen krvavi“, „udri vraga ne ostav mu traga“, a „borbi našoj kraja biti neće, do istrage turske ali naše.“

S takvijem porukama najvećega pjesnika i najmudrijega vladara, s porukama koje srpska crkva izgovara kao hristovske riječi, s porukama kojima ječe strune „vještih gusala“, išlo se na Grahovac i Vučji Do kad je trebalo braniti Crnu Goru. Ali, s tim istim porukama, koje usmjeravaju i gusle i popovi, išli su na Foču tumači Mojovićeve ideologije u Drugome svjetskom ratu, s tim porukama išli su Crnogorci na Šahoviće, a miloševićevske legije iz pravca Srbije i Crne Gore na muslimanske Bošnjake u Bosni i Hercegovini. U tragediji Srebrenice utkane su iste poruke!

Poznato je da pjesnik Gorskoga vijenca nije imao epigona u klasičnome značenju, no ga je slijedilo narodno-deseteračko epigonstvo baš kad je u pitanju obilićevska martirska ideologija koju je Njegoš ustoličio svojijem spjevovima. Tako Njegoš iz perioda narodskoga deseteračkog pjevušenja, što nije nagovještavalo pjesnika Luče i Vijenca, ima nastavljače u Crnoj Gori u obliku rimovane deseteračke pjevanije. Narodsku deseteračku poeziju na širijem prostorima crnogorskoga, srpskoga, hrvatskoga i bosanskoga jezika reprezentuje Andrija Kačić Miošić s Razgovorom ugodnim naroda slovinskoga, a u Crnoj Gori takvo stihovano stvaralaštvo prepoznaje se u pjesmama Petra I o bitkama s Mahmut-pašom Bušatlijom (mada je njihova autentičnost pod znakom pitanja), u Junačkome spomeniku Mirka Petrovića, i Njegoševim početničkim pjesmama. A poslije njih u Crnoj Gori propjevao je čitav niz narodskih pjesnika koje reprezentuje Radovan Bećirović-Trebješki koji je i danas najomiljeniji guslarski priručnik.

Iako je Gorski vijenac ispjevan desetercem s trohejskom osnovom, to ipak nije lako-klizeći narodni deseterac, nego prenapregnuti deseterački stih koji jedva izdržava težinu Njegoševe filozofske i pjesničke snage. Narodni deseterac teče kao ravničarska rijeka uobaljeno i mirno, a Njegošev stih nijagarski šumi, na njegovijem slapovima i brzacima „nema broda ni ćuprije!“ Kad narodni guslar pjeva Njegošev deseterac, on s naporom usaglašava svoje disanje s brzim tokom prenapregnutih deseteračkih slogova, pa mu narodska pjesma s ideologijom Gorskog vijenca dođe kao odmor, ona se usaglašava s njegovijem disanjem i zvucima guslarskijeh struna. Ja ne znam za drugu pojavu u svjetskoj, ne samo književnosti nego uopšte u umjetnosti, da surogat opslužuje konzumente – ne samo što im je original nedostupan nego su i izvođači i potrošači prikladniji za surogat no za original! Narodski deseterci s kosovskom tematikom pitki su za široki puk kao boza na ljetnjem vašaru!*

(* Osnovna razlika između narodne, odnosno usmene, i narodske, iliti imitativne poezije, sastoji se u tome što ovu prvu stvara nepismeni pjesnik-pjevač, čije djelo nepatvoreno izrasta iz kolektivne narodne svijesti, dok je narodski stvaralac najčešće pismen i, imitirajući izvornu narodnu umjetnost, stvara poeziju koja je omeđena ideološkim trasama – tu se radi ili o njegovijem individualnim uvjerenjima, ili je unamljen u propagandne svrhe.)

Radovan Bećirović uspio je da gotovo sasvim ukloni Njegoša kao guslarsku lektiru, a to mu je pošlo za rukom što on u svoju rimovanu narodno-deseteračku pjevaniju uspijeva da ukaplje i poneku suzu poezije. Hladna vašarska boza nije šampanjac, ali sadrži detalj šampanjske reskosti i pjenušavosti što lijepo hvata za grlo! Iako je svoj deseterački vijek pregazio podnožjem Njegoševe poezije, Bećirović je antitursku i antiislamsku Njegoševu ideologiju uspio da iskaže stihovima s Njegoševim kosovskim mitom na koji je slušalac pripremljen. Nepismenoga kao i grafički pismenog Crnogorca stihovi Radovana Bećirovića estetski zadovoljavaju i idejno zadivljuju. Teškim riječima za guslarski recitativ, a zametnim za uho slušaoca koji s knjigom mucavo progovara, Njegoš je doveo Miloša Obilića do božanstva. Vitez-martir siječe „tmuše azijatske“, jednim udarom on „prestol sruši a tartar uzdrma“, Obilić gordo leži „pod ključevima krvi blagorodne“ kao što je gordo došao do „svetog groba besmrtnog života!“ Guslar se s tijem riječima i stihovima muči do gušenja, ali tu je spasonosni Bećirović, melem-pjesnik za guslare i slušaoce. Njegov Miloš cara turskog tako „uždi neboleće“ da starome Muratu „na serdžadu vas mu drob izleće!“. Kad se Bećirovićev Obilić primiče carskome čadoru, on uzvikuje:

„More sokak, paśa vjero Turci!“

U prilikama kad je pitanje genocida nad Muslimanima, odnosno Bošnjacima od 1991. do 1995. godine internacionalizovano, često se raspravlja o mogućoj korelaciji lične i kolektivne krivice. Taj problem nije jednostavan kako se čini na prvi pogled. Obično se polazi od činjenice da nema genocidnih i zločinačkih naroda, nego pojedinaca. Generalno ostajući pri tome stavu, ipak bi trebalo prikladno definisati onaj kvantum jednoga narodnog kolektiva, odnosno etničko-vjerskog korpusa, uz čiju podršku pojedinci izvode genocidne akcije. Riječju, treba ići od slučaja do slučaja, od jednoga do drugoga naroda koji su produkovali genocid da bi se sagledali specifični uslovi za prihvatanje i provođenje genocidne zamisli ideologa. Grubo kazano, željezarski radnik, prigradski vozač i pauperizovani građanin iz Srbije ili Crne Gore koji je genocidno dejstvovao tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini kriv je koliko i prut kojijem je majka izudarala dijete. A izudarano dijete lomi prut, on mu je kriv, a ne majka. Pitomac kosovske mitologije koju je Njegoš unio u kolektivnu svijest, a koju su pritvrdili gusle i popovi, išao je na Bošnjake kao na „Turčina starog dušmanina“ s kojim su se śekli njegovi preci, a što mu je proslavila narodna pjesma i Njegoš. Taj zažetnik mnogo više nalikuje na prut no na majku koja je prut upotrijebila.

Nijesu do sada dovoljno procijenjeni i pozitivno ocijenjeni državnički i moralno-politički potezi knjaza Nikole Petrovića na planu uvjeravanja muslimana da se u Crnoj Gori ośećaju kao domorodni građani na svojoj zemlji i u svojoj vjeri. Proglase u tome pravcu često je davao poslije Berlinskoga kongresa i poslije balkanskijeh ratova. Kao da je crnogorski gopodar ośetio problem – da antiislamski naboj koji je po prirodi stvari bio imanentan hrišćanskoj svijesti u boračkoj Crnoj Gori, a koji je doživio napon posredstvom kosovskog mita što ga je Njegoš importovao u kolektivnu svijest Crnogoraca, potencijalno može uvijek i praktično proključati ako mu se ukažu adekvatni uslovi. Sva je prilika da se zato nikad nije u Knjaževini Crnoj Gori objavio Gorski vijenac, iako je Cetinje imalo bezmalo evropski nivo u izdavačkoj djelatnosti. Dok su se takmičili Beograd, Novi Sad i Pančevo ko će bolje izdati Njegošev spjev o „istrazi poturica“, dotle u crnogorskome štamparstvu nije bilo mjesta za Gorski vijenac. Nikola I je pismom pozdravio i „velikog strika“ i njegov grob na Lovćenu, ali brigu o izdavanju spjeva koji je od strika napravio „velikog“, ostavio je drugima. Odista nijesu pogodili tumači toga Knjaževa postupka smatrajući ga izrazom ljubomore maloga pjesnika. Državniku i političaru knjazu Nikoli više je bilo stalo do društvene harmonizacije u državi no do pjesničkoga prestiža i rivalstva sa „velikim strikom“ s Lovćena! Obrazovani monarh, i poznavalac mentaliteta svojijeh podanika, nije ostao na proglasima „braći muhamedanskog zakona“ da prihvate Crnu Goru za svoju jedinu domovinu, nego je milozvučnim osmercem pjevao balade o slavnoj prošlosti begovskoga plemstva i čojstvu muslimanskijeh prvaka. Njegove pjesme Ženidba bega Ljubovića i Hajdana imale su opštu popularnost, bile su to pjesme od kola i sijela, teško je bilo naći pravoslavnoga Crnogorca koji nije pamtio po nekoliko stihova iz tijeh pjesama. Knjaz je ispjevao čak i apoteoznu pjesmu Turčinu u kojoj vjekovnog crnogorskog neprijatelja naziva „lafom starim“ i „orlom istočnog svijeta“, naglašavajući činjenicu da su Crnogorci imali jednako istorijsku nevolju i čast da se s takvijem moćnim protivnikom uspješno nose kroz vremena. Razumije se, i Nikola I viteškim odnosom prema neprijatelju, Osmanskome carstvu, uklapao se u moralno-epsku naviku koju je, bar što se tiče Evrope, utemeljio Homer. Neprijatelj se ne naziva „paśom vjerom“, kao što radi pomenuti narodski pjesnik, nego mu se naglašava značenje da bi onaj koji se s njim bori imao izuzetnu čast kad ga pobijedi, a da ne ośeća sramotu ako od njega izgubi na megdanu. Ko ne zna da je Homer Ahejac, kao čitalac Ilijade zaključio bi da je pjesnik Trojanac. Hektor je po mnogo čemu privlačniji od Ahileja! Taj moralno-viteški običaj doslovno je prihvaćen u našoj usmenoj epici. Lako je složiti se s Vladanom Nedićem da moralni podvig Turkinje đevojke iz Podrugovićeve pjesme Marko Kraljević pokazuje očinu sablju nadmaša ljepotu podviga Kosovke đevojke iz istoimene pjesme Vukova zbornika. U pjesmi crnogorskog pjevača-pjesnika Todora Ikova Pipera turski paša sažalio se i nad materinskom tugom „ovaca podojnica“, pa hajduku Mihatu, koji mu je pośekao Turke kad su opljačkali jaganjce, ne samo oprašta život no ga i nagrađuje. Toj je pjesmi vazda precizni Vuk dao naslov Čovjek-paša i Mihat čobanin. Jedan od moralno najcjelovitijih likova u vukovskoj epici je Stariš-derviš u Milijinoj pjesmi Strahinjić Ban, a Homerovu Nestoru iz Ilijade samo se približava starac Fočo u Višnjićevoj pjesmi Početak bune protiv dahija.

U odnosu na Osmansko carstvo i islam Njegoš i knjaz Nikola antinomično djeluju kao pjesnici. Veliki pjesnik Njegoš uklopio se u hrišćanski antiislamski stav koristeći uzvišenu poeziju da se iskaže. A knjaz Nikola, mali pjesnik, homerski se uklapa u moralnu normu najvišijeh pjesnika – da se velikom protivniku ne upućuju nedolične riječi. Njegoš ide trasom hrišćanskoga krstaškog doktrinarstva, što oživljava velikom poezijom, a knjaz Nikola ide Homerovom trasom da slabašnom poetskom riječi iskaže uzvišeni nivo državnika. Njegoš je prilježnije čitao vukovsku epiku no knjaz Nikola, ali potonji crnogorski gospodar, za razliku od Njegoša, svojom slabašnom poezijom mirio je narode u svojoj državi. Što je upravo prvi počeo Vuk Karadžić objavljivanjem Hasanaginice i Omera i Merime, muslimanskijeh pjesama koje plijene čitaoca i slušaoca pjesničkom ljepotom univerzalnih istina mimo vjere, nacije i vremena! Njegoš kao državnik sam sebe abolira od mogućeg prigovora, koji se nažalost ponekad čuje, da je genocidni pjesnik. No, njegova poezija se genocidno zloupotrebljava.

Ideološku potku Gorskoga vijenca Njegoš je priugotovio za svoje vrijeme, kad su ljudske glave okapale na tablji iznad Biljarde, kad Osman-paša Skopljak pritiska crnogorska ostrva na Skadarskome jezeru i kad se iz Stambola planiraju nove egzekutive na Crnu Goru. Što se oslobodilačko-podsticajna ideologija Gorskoga vijenca znala produžiti u genocidno-osvajački kliktaj, ne može se osuditi pjesnik ili državnik Njegoš, nego anahroni tumači Gorskoga vijenca i popovsko-politikantske manipulacije kosovskim mitom i Gorskijem vijencem. Uostalom, mogao bi se proglasiti genocidnim pjesnikom ne samo Njegoš. Za Firdusija je svjetlost na strani vjere njegovoga naroda, a tama na suprotnoj strani; ta dva pola nalazimo i u svim hrišćanskim epovima. Taso je pjesnik hrišćanske svjetlosti i islamske tame. Tim smjerom kreću se i dva Ivana, Gundulić i Mažuranić, posebno pjesnik epa Smrt Smail-age Čengića (koji je, doduše, više antiturski nego antiislamski). Nevolja je u tome što veliki pisci ne uspostavljaju samo humane istine o čovjeku, nego nekijeh puta književna slika, koja se zaokružuje u lokalnom sižeu djela, može da poprimi snagu konkretne ideološko-političke i vjerske propagande. Ko može reći da slika Mletaka, kao doživljaj Draška Popovića iz Gorskoga vijenca, nije kod svijeta koji ne dijeli umjetničku od naturalne istine, petrificirala ubjeđenje da lukavstvo, podlost, nepravda i nemuškost karakterišu „Latine stare varalice“. Crnogorski bojovnik koji je palio i žario po Konavlima i na dubrovačkome ratištu bio je usmjeren kako pljačkom tako i slikom latinskih Mletaka iz priče Draška Popovića. Andrićev opis nabijanja na kolac, u romanu Na Drini ćuprija, prosto je zatamnio sva tradicionalna znanja o kaznama u doba Osmanskoga carstva na našim prostorima. Abidagin kolac na Vezirovoj ćupriji postao je metonomija turske pravde. Zato se neobjavljivanje Gorskoga vijenca u Crnoj Gori sve do 1912. godine čini kao preventiva od pogubnoga uticaja literature na ljude koji ne dijele život od umjetnosti. Znao je knjaz Nikola svoje Crnogorce, pa se nije začudio kad je čuo da je gledalac pucao u glumca koji je tumačio Turčina na premijeri njegove Balkanske carice u Nikšiću tek oslobođenom od Turaka. Onaj koji je koliko juče pucao na Turke kad je oslobađao Nikšić, glumca u turskoj odori poistovjetio je s Turčinom. Odista, bilo bi dobro da stav Nikole I prema kosovskome mitu pragmatično djeluje na naše vrijeme.

Za sagledavanje kosovske žrtveničke ideje kao oblika srpske propagande uputan je njezin bosanski izraz u XIX vijeku. Sredinom toga vijeka, kad je Porta polako ispuštala Bosnu iz svojih ruku, što je praćeno agilnim propagandama iz Srbije, Austrije i djelimično Crne Gore, politički je sklepana epska deseteračka pjesma o Kosovskom boju, sveobuhvatnija i duža od svih do tada zapisanih pjesama s kosovskom tematikom. Zapisivačev put do te pjesme konotira sadržaje što su značajni za sagledavanje političkoga kompleksa koji se prelamao i preko tadašnje Bosne kojom je Stambol mahao kao svojim slomljenim krilom, oko koje su se utrkivale Srbija i Austrija, što je Crna Gora sve aktivno pratila da bi se domogla Hercegovine. Predośećajući da će se produžiti na Bosnu, Austro-Ugarska se pripremala za realizaciju te mogućnosti. Preko katoličkoga klera, upravo bosanskih franjevaca, dokazivala je dugu tradiciju katoličkoga prostora u Bosni, pa će prominentni franjevci Grga Martić i Franjo Jukić objaviti u Osijeku 1858. godine zamašnu zbirku usmenijeh i deseteračkih „horvatskih“ narodnih pjesama iz Bosne.

Sakupljačka Vukova slava mogla je dati Teofilu Petranoviću inicijativu da se domogne Bosne, koju Vuk na tragu pjesme nije obišao, ali povod za njegov sakupljački rad dala je politika kneza Mihaila i Ujedinjene omladine srpske. Kad je Porta uz napore da izvrši reforme, tanzimat i nufus, u Bosni ispunjavala i zahtjeve pravoslavnoga naroda, o čemu se samo moglo sanjati u doba stabilnoga Osmanskoga carstva, srpska se politika postarala da u Sarajevo pošalje svoje propagatore. Tako će u novoosnovanu srpsku školu u Sarajevu doći za učitelja Teofil (Bogoljub) Petranović iz Drniša, prezviter sa završenom Pravoslavnom bogoslovijom u Zadru, iguman nekolika manastira, intelektualac koji govori više jezika. Javno ga je bosanski valija postavio za učitelja smatrajući ga službenikom s austrougarskim pasošem, a u stvari Petranović je bio dobro plaćeni povjerenik politike kneza Mihaila koji je na Bosnu gledao kao na produžetak Srbije. Petranović je sačekivao pravoslavne Bošnjake kad dolaze na sarajevske pazare i uspješno ih uvjeravao da oni nijesu Bošnjaci, kako su mu govorili da jesu, i da ne govore ni „bosanskim“ ni „naškim jezikom“, kako misle da govore, no da su čisti Srbi i da zbore srpskim jezikom. Aktivno je učitelj Teofil izvještavao Srpsku vladu o uspjesima na planu takve propagande, a kad je 1867. godine objavio zbirku „srpskih“ narodnih pjesama iz Bosne i Hercegovine, knez Mihailo ga je lično nagradio sa sto dukata! U mjeri koliko je Bosna tada bila majdan lirske pjesme, nedostajala joj je usmena epika, kako pravoslavna tako i katolička. Bosanski muslimani bili su motivisani da slave svoje krajiško junaštvo i svoje gazije koje šire carev vatan na đaursku Evropu, a hrišćanski seljak u Bosni nije bio motivisan da slavi bilo kakvu svoju nacionalnu prošlost. U Bosni nije bilo Kosova ni carstva, Bosna je „šapatom pala“ pod Fatiha Mehmeda, Kulin-ban i Tvrtko nijesu vodili ratove o koje bi se pograbila pjesma! Pravoslavni Bošnjaci, koji će se početi ośećati Srbima tek poslije propagande o kojoj govorimo, nijesu poslije pada Bosne pod Turke imali ni idejne ni psihološke motivacije da pjevaju o vremenima srpske carevine i kosovskog poraza. Ni jedno ni drugo nije se bilo dotaklo kolektivne svijesti pravoslavnih Bošnjaka. Sve i da je bilo kakve inicijative na tom planu, fanariotska crkva, koja je našla zajednički jezik s Portom, ne bi podržala tu inicijativu. I pored upražnjavanja pravoslavnijeh obreda, pravoslavni Bošnjak jedva je razlikovao fanariote od haračlija.

Današnjem čitaocu može izgledati čudna i sama pomisao da Bošnjaci mogu biti hrišćani, a kamoli oni pravoslavne vjeroispovijesti. Međutim, u prošlosti to je bila opštepoznata i neosporavana činjenica, kao što nam to svjedoče istorijski izvori. Tako, na primjer, vladika Vasilije Petrović-Njegoš u pismu ruskom grofu Šuvalovu od 16. decembra 1757. godine piše, između ostalog: Nadam se da je Vašoj visokogofovskoj Svijetlosti poznato u kakvim se nevoljama nalazio smireni pastir svoga otačestva naroda crnogorskoga u proteklih tri godine (…). Kako je već poznato cijelom svijetu kolika je briga Vaše Svijetlosti o našoj potpori i o drugoj opskrbi, posebno o nama, koji se držimo pokroviteljstva uzvišenog sveruskog dvora, da bi i naša ostala braća hrišćani, oni, koji stenju u turskom podaništvu: Albanci, Makedonci, Bošnjaci, Srbi i Bugari, gledajući na našu protekciju, ne samo u pravoslavlje ostali, nego kada dođe dan, s nama se sjediniti u službu sveruske slavne imperije. Ako li mi propadnemo, izgubiće i oni nadu svoga izbavljenja i primiće muhamedansku vjeru. (Podvukao N.K.) Sličnu formulciju vladika Vasilije upotrebljava i u nekijem drugim pismima, stavljajući Bošnjake u isti kontekst. Još nedvosmislenije svjedočenje nalazimo u sarajevskome listu Bošnjak, koji je počeo izlaziti 2. 7. 1891. godine. U prvome broju objavljena je pjesma Bošnjaku Safvet-bega Bašagića, u kojoj je u stihovima predočena istina da su nacionalne misli drugijeh zemalja vrlo kasno uvedene u Bosnu propagandnim putem, suzbijajući bošnjačko ime:

Znaš Bošnjače, nije davno bilo,
Sveg’ mi sv’jeta nema petn’est ljeta,
Kad u našoj Bosni ponositoj,
I junačkoj zemlji Hercegovoj,
Od Trebinja do Brodskijeh vrata,
Nije bilo Srba ni Hrvata.
A danas se kroza svoje hire,
Oba stranca ko u svome šire. (…)
Oba su nas gosta saletila,
Da nam otmu najsvetije blago,
Naše ime ponosno i drago.

Obrazovani i srpsko-panslavistički jako usmjereni Teofil Petranović umješno je osnovao produkciju epskih junačkih pjesama koje će objaviti kao nepatvorene usmene tekstove. Pronašao je obdarenoga i pismenoga stihotvorca s Romanije, Iliju Divjanovića, porijeklom Karadžića iz Drobnjaka, koga je snabdijevao lektirom koju će Divjanović pretočiti u deseteračke pjesme. Tako je Petranovićeva radionica stihova imala tri odjela: u jedan Petranović slaže pisani materijal i svoje usmene savjete, u drugom se vrši prefermentacija materijala u stihove deseteračkijeh pjesama, a u trećem odjelu Petranović finalizuje posao stilski i ideološki.

Činjenica da je Divjanović porijeklom Karadžić iz Petnjice može da znači da je raspolagao bar detaljima tradicije s kojom je na Jahorinu doselio njegov predak. Taj detalj otvara problem koji bi trebalo riješiti kad se govori o udjelu pojedinijeh krajeva naše jezičke teritorije u stvaranju i razvitku usmene epske poezije s temama iz najstarije i srednje istorije, kako bi rekao Vuk. Karadžić kaže da je ,,komade od različnijeh kosovskijeh pjesama“ zapisao od svoga oca Stefana, pa daj da mu vjerujemo. Ali ima tu jedna čudna stvar: kako to Stefan iz Tršića saopšti svom sinu samo pet kratkih „komada“ kosovskih pjesama i ništa više? Tako nešto nije se osvjedočilo ni kod Vuka ni drugđe kod sakupljača. Śećajući se Skerlićeve tvrdnje da je Vuk Karadžić „najpametnija srpska glava“, gotovo bih utvrdio da je tu više pijeteta prema Petnjici koju Vuk stavlja u svoju intitulaciju, uz naglasak da je „filosofije doktor“, nego istine o porijeklu „komada“. Vuk je kao Drobnjak od Petnjice, što je posebno isticao, povezao uzrelost najznačajnije srpske legende s gnijezdom svoje porodične prošlosti! Śetimo se i toga da je u svojim starim danima, onako hrom, glavobolan i hipohondričan, izvodio izvanredne političke misije. Nađe se takav Vuk na Cetinju kad je zamjenjivana teokratija knjaževstvom, kad je povodom instalacije svjetovne vlasti u Crnoj Gori moglo doći do krvavoga raskola, ne samo u dinastiji no i u još neučvršćenoj državi. Čak i na samom kraju, takoreći pred odlazak ad patres, Vuk se našao na Cetinju u političkoj misiji kod premladoga knjaza Nikole! Jeste, na Vuka su motrile policije Austrije i Rusije, ali dobijao je i carske ordene naglašenoga stepena. Izgleda da se neistrošivi Vuk nije samo potrošio na „srpsko knjižestvo“ no i na politiku.

Kad se sumnja u drobnjačko porijeklo rečenih komada od kosovskijeh pjesama, ipak ne treba prenebreći Vukove upute na drobnjački upliv u njegov Tršić. Veli Vuk da su u njegovom đetinjstvu dodili u Tršić da zimuju rođaci iz Drobnjaka, pjevali uz gusle i pričali o krilatim konjima koji izlijeću iz durmitorskih jezera! Dakle, mogao je Ilija Divjanović, plaćeni Petranovićev narodni pjesnik, imati nešto od drobnjačke tradicije. Mogao je to što ima Ilija uočiti školovani Petranović, a moglo ga je usmjeriti da pjesniku s Jahorine povjeri stihovitu obradu kosovske mitologije kojom Bosna nije raspolagala. Uglavnom, može se zaključiti da Petranović u Bosni, u kojoj će on i boračke čete osnovati, nije našao prirodni ambijent za trajanje i razvijanje kosovske legende. No, propaganda koju su on i drugi beogradski povjerenici, među njima i kasniji mitropolit dabro-bosanski Hadži Sava Kosanović, uspješno obavljali, posebno Petranović, živom riječi i pjesmom, uspješno je i ubrzano pravoslavne Bošnjake pretvarala u Srbe, poklonike Obilića i kosovske mitologije. Interesantan je za ovu priliku jedan detalj iz Andrićeve književne hronike Na Drini ćuprija.

Andrić, koji je rado isticao da se kao pisac razvio „iz Vuka Karadžića“, daje sliku kulučara s Vezirove ćuprije, smoždenijeh radom i strahom, koji noću uz vatru u baraci slušaju crnogorskoga guslara kako pjeva o srpskome caru Stjepanu. Taj Andrićev lokalni siže nabijen je saznajnim sadržajima, gnoseološko značenje ovoga detalja je izvanredno. To je srećan spoj piščeva znanja istorije i tradicije i genijalne invencije koja izmiče obrazovanju!

Crnogorski guslar išao je nekad carskijem drumom, s malim guslama sakrivenim u velikom gunju. Uhvate ga Abid-agine suvarije i privedu da kuluči na Vezirovoj ćupriji. Crnogorca je više pogodila sramota što je upao u takvu nepriliku nego kulučenje pod bičem nemilosrdnoga Abid-age. Vođen plemensko-bratstveničkim agonom, a malčice i Andrićevom ironijom, pjeva guslar pjesmu u kišovitoj noći da bi se bar pred tim kulučarima, bosanskijem seljacima koji su dovedeni do hrpe prozeblog i iskrvavljenog živoga mesa, izdvojio i nešto zaznačio. Kakva sjajna analiza agona koji može da ima Homerov spjev – „da odličan budem i najbolji među svijeh“, a može da se glasi iskazivanjem kakvo je upravo ovoga ukulučenog Crnogorca! Dakle, ne nađe se kod Andrića Bosanac da bar za iluzorni trenutak prenese u neko ljepše vrijeme promrzle kulučare koji uz vatru u baraci suše opanke i obojke. Crnogorac se tu morao stvoriti da obavi tu uslugu. Razumije se, taj Crnogorac je više Andrićev savremenik no čovjek šesnaestog vijeka kad se podizala na Drini ćuprija. I pored toga anahronizma, Andrićeva sonda se u rečenom sižeu duboko spušta. Pisac daje ukulučenom guslaru da pjeva pjesmu o grešnoj ljubavi, pjesmu o carskim dvorima, vinu, sjaju, ženskoj ljepoti, a sve je to uokvireno abažurom. To je pjesma o grešnom caru i ubavoj momi koja „rod nema“, kao što ni duboka voda „nema broda“. Tako neće pjesma o slavnoj srpskoj prošlosti za tren napraviti od mokrih i iskrvavljenih kulučara jednu dušu koja se uznosi istorijom, to će upravo postići erotska bajka koja je stavljena u milje istorije. Srpski car ponijet vinom i klimoglavima evet dvorjana i crkvenijeh veledostojnika, pogledaće na svoju sestru Kondosiju kao na ljepotu koja erotski uznosi i uspaljuje:

„Pije vino srpski car Stevane
u Prizrenu, mjestu pitomome.(…)
Vino služi provizur Mijajlo,
a svijetli sestra Kandosija
sa njedara dragijem kamenjem“!

Andrić, koji se Bosnom bavio i kao naučnik, kao pisac uočava najsuptilnije nijanse u etno-pravoslavnom mentalitetu Bošnjaka XVI vijeka kad Mehmed-paša Sokolović podiže ćupriju. Andrićev književni detalj o crnogorskom guslaru i pravoslavnim Bošnjacima slušaocima kao lupa pokazuje da je Crnogorac preko pjesme o carskoj prošlosti htio malo da se uzdigne iz unižavajućeg društva, ali Bošnjaci nijesu pročitali tu poruku pjesme no zov erotike, ljepote i grijeha. Kaže se – lijepo kao grijeh! Odista, pravoslavni Bošnjaci, koji su danas neosporno Srbi, nijesu bili prikladni da se uznose srpskom istorijom niti da pate za izgubljenom Kosovskom bitkom, ni u XVI ni u kasnijim vjekovima. Propaganda iz Srbije i djelimično iz Crne Gore s jedne strane, i Srpska pravoslavna crkva koja će odlaskom Osmanlija zamijeniti fanariote, s druge strane, integrisaće u pravoslavne Bošnjake srpsku svijest i kosovsku mitologiju koju je Njegoš uobličio u Gorskome vijencu.

Srpski planovi i propagande u vezi sa Bosnom i Bošnjacima najjasnije su iskazani u „Načertaniju“ Ilije Garašanina, koje je bilo „Program spoljašne i nacionalne politike Srbije na koncu 1844. godine“. U ovom, tada tajnom nacrtu, stoji:

3. Ujedno nužno je i to, da se ne samo svi osnovni zakoni, ustav i sva ustrojenija glavna knjaževstva Srbije u Bosnu i Hercegovinu medu narodom rasprostranjavaju, nego još i to da se za vremena nekoliko mladih Bošnjaka u srpsku službu državnu prima da bi se ovi praktično u političeskoj i financijalnoj struci pravlenija, u pravosudiju i javnom nastavleniju obučavali i za takove činovnike pripravljali koji bi ono što su u Srbiji naučili posle u svom otečestvu u djelo privesti mogli. Ovde je naročito nužno to primjetiti: da ove mlade ljude pored ostalih treba osobito nadziravati i vaspitavati tako da njihovim radom sa svim ovlada ona spasitelna ideja opšteg sojedinjenja i velikog napredka. Ova dužnost ne može se dovoljno preporučiti.

4. Da bi se narod katoličeskog ispovedanija od Austrije i njenog upliva odvraćali i Srbiji većma priljubili nužno je na to osobito vnimanije obraćati. Ovo bi se najbolje postići moglo posredstvom fratera ovdašnjih, između kojih najglavnije trebalo bi za ideju sojedinjenja Bosne sa Srbijom zadobiti. U ovoj celji nužno bi bilo narediti da se po gdi koja knjiga molitvena i pesme duhovne u beogradskoj tipografiji štampaju; posle toga i molitvene knjige za pravoslavne Hristijane, zbirku narodnih pesama koja bi na jednoj strani sa latinskim a na drugoj sa kirilskim pismenima štampana bila; osim toga mogla bi se kao treći stepen štampati kratka i obšta narodna istorija Bosne u kojoj ne bi se smela izostaviti slava i imena nekih muhamedanskoj veri prešavši Bošnjaka. Po sebi se predpostavlja da bi ova istorija morala biti spisana u duhu slavenske narodnosti i sa svim u duhu narodnog jedinstva Srba i Bošnjaka. Črez štampanja ovih i ovim podobnih patriotičeskih djela, kao i črez ostala nužna djejstvija, koja bi trebalo razumno opredjeliti i nabljudavati oslobodila bi se Bosna od upliva austriskog i obratila bi se ova zemlja više k Srbiji. (…)

6. Na istočnog veroispovedanija Bošnjake veći upliv imati neće biti za Srbiju težak zadatak. Više predostrožnosti i vnimanija na protiv toga iziskuje to, da se katolički Bošnjaci zadobijedu. Na čelu ovih stoje franjevački fratri.

Pored gore spomenutog štampanja knjiga ne bi li dobro i sovjetno bilo da se jedan od ovih bosanskih fratera pri beogradskom liceumu kao profesor latinskog jezika i još kakve nauke postavi. Ovaj profesor morao bi služiti kao posredstvenik između Srbije i katolika u Bosni (…).

Ovom prilikom bi bilo interesantno navesti neke odlomke iz Načertanija koji pojašnjavaju i politiku Srbije prema Crnoj Gori:

U političeskom obziru imalo bi ovo sredstvo ne manju važnost, jerbo će se nov agent srbski nalaziti medu žiteljstvom srbskim i ova prilika prinela bi jače upliv Srbije na sjeverne Arbaneze i na Crnu Goru, a ovo su upravo oni narodi koji imadu ključeve od vrata Bosne i Hercegovine i od samoga mora Adrijatičeskog. Postavljanje ove agencije srbske i utemeljenje njeno onamo mi smo uvereni kao političeski postupak Srbije smatran bi bio od neobične važnosti medu onim narodima i tešnji sojuz ovi žitelja sa Srbijom postigao bi se vrlo lako. (…)

Karađorđe je bio vojeni predvoditelj od prirode bogato obdaren i vrlo iskusan; on nije mogao predvideti onu preveliku vojnu važnost koju Crna Gora za Srbiju ima i koju će svagdar imati kad god se o tome stane raditi da se Bosna i Hercegovina od Turske odjele i Srbiji prisajedine. Pohod ovog vojvode na Sjenicu i Novi Pazar još svi Srbi dobro pamte i nije potrebno da mi sledujući predlog novim dovodima podkrepljujemo. Neka Srbija i u Crnoj Gori primier Rusije sleduje i neka dade vladiki pravilnu svakogodišnju podporu u novcu. – Srbija će na ovaj način za malu cjenu imati prijateljstvo zemlje, koja najmanje 10.000 brdnih vojnika postaviti može.

Ovde moramo još to primetiti, da odlaganje ove podpore na poslednje magnovenje neće imati poželani uspjeh i sledstvo; budući da će Rusija pravedno moći na svoju mlogogodišnju i stalnu podporu pozivati se, a srpski novi predlog moći će kao samo iz nužde učinjeni ocrniti i u podozrenije dovesti; i Crnogorci bi onda rekli: Srbi nisu nama pomagali kad smo u nuždi bili, što je dokazateljstvo da nam nisu prijatelji, nego nas samo za sad upotrebiti žele.*

(* Vrlo je indikativan odnos Ilije Garašanina prema Crnoj Gori. Priželjkujući da Turci unište Crnu Goru u ratu 1862. godine, radio je na tome da joj se uskrati davanje bilo kakve pomoći. Dok je turska vojska jurišala na Cetinje, izjavio je da bi „još velika sreća za nas bila kad bi Crna Gora propala“! Nije nelogično što su Garašanin i ostali srpski političari mrźeli Crnogorce i njihovu državu – jer oni su im bili trn u oku, prepreka na putu stvaranja velike Srbije koja bi, razumije se, imala nesmetan izlaz na more. U pismu Avramu Petronijeviću od 3. juna 1847, komentarišući dolazak jedne grupe Crnogoraca u Srbiju, čiji je prijem tražio i Simo Milutinović, Garašanin piše: „Ja sam već izdao dopuštenje, da oni Crnogorci o koima je onomad reč u ministerijalnom zasedaniju bila mogu ovamo preći. Ovo je sad opet druga gomila i ja se ne smem saglasiti, da se ovako premnogo ovi neradina i prosjaka ovamo u zemlju na veliko nespokojstvo našeg naroda upuste. […] G. Milutinović lako može u sobi umstvovati o srbinstvu, jednorodštvu, i šta ja znam još, ali to u stvari drugojačije stoi.“)

No, vratimo se kosovskoj mitologiji, koju je utemeljio Njegoš. Ona je imala naknadnu doradu u meštrovićevskoj skulpturi i poeziji Milana Rakića, čak i Jovana Dučića. Meštrovićev adorantski odnos prema kosovskoj mitologiji djelovao je svojom monumentalnošću u galerijama i muzejima, kao i slikari s naglašenom tematikom iz srpske prošlosti, Jovanović, Predić, Knežević i drugi, ali na narodnu masu uticale su reprodukcije njihovih djela u školskim udžbenicima i elementarnoj rezbariji, posebno na guslama. Onđe original, ovđe reprodukcija, nekad slika a nekad muzika, ni eksterijer ni enterijer društvene svakodnevice nije bio bez kosovske mitologije! Elitniji slojevi prihvatili su Rakićevu poeziju s kosovskijem motivima, a popovski i guslarski usmjereni građani oduševljavali su se kosovskom apologetikom učitelja Dragoljuba Filipovića, odnosno njegovijeh Kosovskih božura. Uglavnom, i ekstenzivno i intenzivno kosovska mitologija nije jenjavala tokom versajske Jugoslavije. Kao što će se ideologija Anta Starčevića praktično primijeniti u Hrvatskoj čim se srušila Kraljevina Jugoslavija, tako će se kosovska mitologija praktično iskazati u Moljevićevoj preporuci na putu Pavla Đurišića dolinom Lima u pravcu Foče. Šahovići su nešto ranije bili provjera postojanosti kosovske kondicije. S istijem usmjerenjem prošetaće se Bosnom i Miloševićevi legionari raznijeh naziva i formacija.

Pjesme Milana Rakića Na Gazimestanu i Simonida pričvrstile su kosovsko martirstvo u svijest Srba u vrijeme kad su prestali ratovi s Osmanlijama, onda kad je po prirodi stvari obilićevsko usijanje trebalo da se hladi. U vrijeme oslobodilačkih bojeva Njegoševo uobličenje kosovskoga mita, kao što smo istakli, igra slobodarski inicijativnu ulogu, pa je bilo normalno očekivati da poslije oslobođenja i završnijeh bojeva s Turcima, kosovski mit otpočine u muzeju istorijske prošlosti. Međutim, pjesnici ponijeti idejom srbojugoslovenstva obnavljaju kosovsku mitologiju obradom srpske tematike. To znači da su ti pjesnici predstavljali jedno krilo kosovske mitologije, drugim krilom mahala je Srpska pravoslavna crkva. Pjesnici od izvanrednoga ugleda, koji zauzimaju centralne prostore u estetički strogo formiranoj Antologiji Bogdana Popovića, Jovan Dučić i Milan Rakić, učvršćuju import kosovske martirske legende u svijest naroda, što je započeo i ostvario Njegoš. U takvim prilikama običan čovjek bio je u poziciji da procijeni kako je kosovski mit odista najdublja, najpotrebnija i najdugoročnija tematika srpske poezije, svešteničke propedevtike i svakodnevnoga doživljaja sopstvene istorijske prošlosti. Zaboga, kako se nije morala ośećati sakralna skrušenost pred kosovskijem mitom kad mu najškolovaniji, najevropskiji, najfrancuskiji pjesnici – Rakić i Dučić, pijetetno služe! Dučić, parnasovac i simbolist, pjesnik muze hladne kao śena, gospodin daleko od populističkoga oduševljenja, ipak se upisao u poklonike slave kao privilegije martira: Buktinjama samo zbori se kroz tmine, / u zrcalu mača budućnost se slika, / preko palih idu puti veličine / slava, to je strašno sunce mučenika! Iako se u navedenijem Dučićevim stihovima ne pominje Kosovo, struji kroz njih kosovska mitologija. Nije pjesnik dubrovačkih madrigala i muze što „kao hladno devojče sneva“ podigao u Trebinju spomenik Njegošu, to je uradio pjesnik kosovske tematike. I za Dučića je Miloš Obilić najuzvišeniji simbol slavnoga pada, on treba da ostane kao sunce srpskijeh martirskih mučenika. Tu će misao, razumije se, Dučić sprovoditi i svojom propagandom tokom Drugoga svjetskog rata. Tu će propagandu posthumno nastaviti promenada njegovijeh moštiju kroz Crnu Goru, bdijenje nad njegovim, kako vele, nepovrijeđenim tijelom, koje je organizovao mitropolit Amfilohije, i beogradski helikopter koji je s Koštunicom sletio na trebinjsku presahranu Jovana Dučića. Kao što je Milošević sletio na Gazimestan na šeststogodišnjicu Kosovske bitke i na okončanju puta Lazarevih moštiju „kroz sve srpske zemlje“. Ta dva helikoptera su ideološki blizanci, Milošević i Koštunica razlikuju se u praksi, ali ne i u unitarnoj ideologiji.

U trenucima jugoslovenskog oduševljenja koje je bilo obuhvatilo Andrića i Meštrovića, Dučić je bio prenapregnut slavnim porazom, a kosmopolitsku direktnost parnasovca formalno je ukrio nepominjanjem Kosova. Rakić je međutim bio konkretniji. Njegova poezija s kosovskom tematikom jako se dojmila i đaka i učitelja ne samo usklađenošću teme, misli i jezika nego i činjenicom da je Rakić bio konzul u Prištini, i to u samrtnome ropcu Turskoga carstva. Imao je bolnu privilegiju da gleda Gazimestan dok je još u turskim rukama, pa je tom slučajnošću pribrao svojijem pjesmama s kosovskom tematikom veliku popularnost. Ganutljivo je bilo čitati, ili od recitatora i školske đece slušati, stihove o iskopanim očima srpske kraljice Simonide na zidu Gračanice, nemanjićkoga manastira koji je odolio vjekovima! Tako se uz Rakićevu pjesmu doživljava nemanjićka istorija kroz vizuru kosovskoga mita, što je umnogome različito od narodnoga doživljaja Nemanjića tokom osmanskijeh vjekova, odnosno prije svođenja ratničkijeh i oslobodilačkih računa s Turcima. Naime, kolektivna narodna svijest ruvarčevićevski je procijenjivala dvorsku svitu iz dinastije Nemanjića i Brankovića, upravo taj dio istorijske prošlosti narod je u pjesmi osmišljavao iz socijalnog ugla, a ne pak iz ideološko-političkog ili vjerskog. Tradicija je bila doturila podatke o teškom stanju seljaka, posebno u vrijeme posljednjijeh despota kad je teret za odbranu, i od Mađara i Turaka, snosio seljak, kmet, sebar. Ponijet svojim teškim socijalnim stanjem narod je prenebregnuo državničku sposobnost Đurđa Brankovića koji je uspijevao da održi zemlju čak i poslije pada Carigrada, pa u narodnoj pjesmi o njemu nema pohvalne riječi. Njegova žena jednostavno je – prokleta Jerina. Narod je čak pojavu hajdučije vezao za Đurđa Brankovića, narodni Starina Novak ne odmeće se u goru zelenu od turskog zuluma no od kuluka i nepravde koje je nametnula prokleta Jerina. Đurđeve napore za opstanak države i podizanje Smederevske tvrđave s tijem ciljem narod je zapamtio kao svoje socijalne patnje. Narodni pjesnik nije trošio vrijeme slaveći državnu moć Nemanjića i despota Brankovića, a kad se dohvatio te tematike nije izostala kritika pa i sarkazam. Epska pjesma prikazuje Jugoviće kao korumpirane i gramzive velikaše tokom gradnje crkve Ravanice i kao filistarske mekušce kad je trebalo pomoći zažetome vitezu Strahinjiću Banu da iz turskoga ropstva povrati svoju ljubu a njihovu sestru. U narodnoj pjesmi car Dušan, ponijet vinom i erosom, hoće da se ženi rođenom sestrom, na što mu prvosveštenici i dvorska svita aplaudiraju. Narodni car Dušan bio bi poraženi latinski zet da ga svojom odisejevskom violentnošću nije spasio Miloš Vojinović koji je ostavio ovce na Šari planini, ukriven bugar-kabanicom nezvan banuo u carske svatove. Kad se uzme u obzir kritički odnos narodne pjesme prema pretkosovskoj prošlosti, nije smjelo pretpostaviti da je učeni Ilarion Ruvarac od narodne poezije dobio šlagvort da kritički zasiječe u nemanjićku prošlost koju je crkvena, biografsko-hagiografska književnost jednostavno sakralizovala. U toj književnosti, koju je započeo prvi srpski arhiepiskop Sava Nemanjić, a koja u stopu prati državu Nemanjića, država i crkva čvrsto se drže za ruke, pa je zato bliža epifaniji no istoriji.

Milan Rakić, pjesnik kosovske tematike, ne izrasta iz narodnoga osmišljavanja te tematike nego iz karađorđevićevskoga jugoslovenstva, koje je šćelo da se održi na temeljima kosovske legende koju je kodifikovao Njegoš u Gorskome vijencu. Gospodin Rakić, evropski obrazovan intelektualac, znao je ko je istorijska Simonida, znao je za brak starca Milutina i sedmogodišnje đevojčice, znao je za zlu maćehu i slijepoga pastorka, te istorijske istine Ruvarac je već bio razotkrio. Znao je prefinjeni pjesnik sve to, pa je pjesnički elegantno i politički suptilno opskurnu sliku srpske kraljice zaklonio ganutljivim stihom:

„Iskopaše ti oči, lepa sliko!“

U pjesmi Na Gazimestanu Rakić se pokazuje kao ponovljeni Njegoš na planu utemeljenja kosovskoga mita u narodnoj svijesti. Ta mu estetski slivena pjesma dođe kao sinteza obilićevske ideologije Gorskoga vijenca, to je in nuce kazano sve što se pomenulo o Kosovu u Njegoševu spjevu. Tako je kosovska mitologija Rakićevom pjesmom nadmašila svoj ekstenzitet koji je postigla Gorskim vijencem. Njegošev spjev je dug, komplikovan i zametan za čitanje izvan Crne Gore, a Rakićeva pjesma je kratka, komunikativna, to je tekst za đečju čitanku i recitaciju. Riječju, Rakićeva pjesma Na Gazimestanu dotakla se svakoga građanina koji govori jezikom kojim je ispjevana. Njegoševu Devetu simfoniju Rakić je prilagodio za školu i kafanu, za sijelo i posijelo.

Razumije se, nesporno je pjesnikovo pravo da oslijepljenu Simonidinu fresku na zidu Gračanice doživi kao znak dugog srpskog ropstva pod Turcima, ali treba pomenuti da su „lepoj slici“ iskopali oči srpski vjernici koji su, opredijeljeni vradžbinama, smatrali da se bolesne oči mogu izliječiti bojom koja se zagrebe s očiju freske iz svetoga manastira. Suvišno je pitanje da li je Beograđanin i gospodin znao za taj detalj kojim se bavi etnologija, i da je znao mogao se kao pjesnik ponašati onako kako je uradio. Za ovu priliku nije važan proces nastanka Rakićeve pjesme, no njeno značenje u kontekstu teme Ratničko-politička konotacija kosovskoga mita u prošlosti i danas.

Narodski pjesnik Radovan Bećirović pjevao je kada i Rakić, bio Aleksandrovom Jugoslavijom ponijet isto kao on, a pjesnički su se iskazali analogno svojim personalnostima. No, ujednačen stepen njihovog rodoljubivog usijanja nije istekao iz jednog izvora, no su se dva različita dotoka slila u jednu uznesenost kosovskom prošlošću i jugoslovenskom savremenošću.

Dakle, izvori različiti, rezultati astronomski udaljeni jedan od drugoga, a oduševljenje temom isto. Stvarna golgota Srbije u Prvome svjetskom ratu, valjevska vješala, tifus, plave grobnice, Krf i Albanija mogli su na prirodan način da ponesu pjesnika Rakića pa da kosovski podvig doživi kao ideološko usmjerenje za otpor Srbije trima carstvima u Prvome svjetskom ratu. Zato se njegovi sljedeći stihovi jednako odnose na kosovske junake i srpske vojnike s Cera i Kolubare:

„Silni oklopnici bez mane i straha (…)
Zaljuljano carstvo survalo se s vama (…)
Kad oluja prođe vrh Kosova ravna,
Kosovo postade nepregledna jama
Kosturnica strašna i porazom slavna.“ (istakao N.K.)

Ali otkud narodskome pjesniku iz Bijele kod Šavnika, potomku moračkijeh uskoka i učesnika Mojkovačke bitke, rakićevsko oduševljenje državnom tvorevinom i kraljem Aleksandrom Karađorđevićem? Radovan Bećirović, pjesnik kosovske tematike, dobro je pamtio i bio je pismen, znao je on i za Podgoričku skupštinu i za zbacivanje dinastije Petrovića, znao je sve surovosti okupacije i prisajedinjenja Srbiji, a pored svega toga opjevao je pośetu kralja Aleksandra Crnoj Gori kao najuzvišeniji doživljaj svoj i sve Crne Gore:

„Bože mili na svemu ti fala
Šta to radi Crna Gora mala!
Sve se diglo malo i veliko –
Nečemu se nada svekoliko;
Sva gospoda velika i mala
Na noge je lagane ustala!
Gore ječe, pjevaju planine,
Odliježu primorske daljine,
Od cvijeća gradovi se žute –
Izgledaju da na dobro slute!
Sva se sela i varoši kreću –
Čoban viče: „Ni ja ostat neću“,
A Ostrog se smije nadaleko
Ko da će ga polaziti neko!
Grob se trese pjesnika Njegoša,
Bi reko je Sveti Sava došâ. (…)
Dobro došo novi Nemanjiću (kralj Aleksandar, N.K.)
Južni care – drugi Obiliću!“

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Umjesto zaključka:

Recidivi već „preležanih“ vremena, kao aveti prošlosti, još uvijek lutaju svojim starim putevima. Zato i danas, kada je Crna Gora savremena, međunarodno priznata država, kosovska mitologija traje kao sastavni dio političko-klerikalnih formacija koje sputavaju proevropski i demokratski napredak, ne dozvoljavajući da, između ostalog, jedan od vitalnih i ključnijeh činilaca očuvanja crnogorske nacije, Crnogorska pravoslavna crkva, dobije sva prava koja istorijski zaslužuje.

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Novak Kilibarda

AMFILOHIJE AND THE KOSOVO MYTH

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CONTENTS

– Božidar I. Miličić: SERBIAN CHURCH – A STATE WITHIN THE STATE OF MONTENEGRO

– A NOTE TO A READER

– ME AND AMFILOHIJE

– WAR-POLITICAL CONNOTATIONS OF THE KOSOVO MYTH IN THE PAST AND PRESENT

SERBIAN CHURCH – A STATE WITHIN THE STATE OF MONTENEGRO

The request of the Serbian Orthodox Church to the authorities of Montenegro for the renewal of the old Karađorđević’s Chapel on Lovćen where relics of Montenegrin statesman and Bishop Petar II Petrović Njegoš have been for fifty years now, accounts for just a small part of the overall politics that Greater Serbia nationalists have led for centuries with regard to Montenegrin statehood and its independence.

In the heart of the main Montenegrin National Park, Serbian Orthodox Church, with its seat in Belgrade, intended to open construction works. How realistic were such endeavors?

Regardless of the fact that Montenegro is a sovereign country with a long-lasting statehood through its history, Serbian nationalists still stubbornly force the realization of the infamous Memorandum of SANU (in which the statehood of Montenegro and Montenegrin people are neglected), quasi-scientific and genocide draft, incapable of accepting the fact that Montenegro is independent country with Montenegrins as major ethnic group and with harmonious interethnic and multi confessional relations, without any problems whatsoever that SANU academicians refer to in their national program. They treat Montenegro as their historical region from the time of Grand Prefect Stefan Nemanja, who, by the end of 12th century conquered old “Serbian State” of Zeta and as such left it to them forever, as the inherited loot from the war. In addition to SANU, Serbian Orthodox Church is most of all concerned with that Nemanja’s “inheritance”.

In the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, with Metropolitan Risto (Amfilohije) Radović as its head, the Serbian Orthodox Church, i.e. the state of Serbia has well deployed forces for the realization of their Greater Serbia political (and building) projects. Unprepared to creatively integrate into multiethnic and religious diversity of Montenegro and its peoples, Serbian Orthodox church sends, from its autistic platform, memorandum signals that it is not interested in that civilizational, cultural, and sociological harmony. It follows the paths that had been created by St. Sava and the Kosovo Myth. In doing so, it does not limit to Montenegro; Amfilohije flies over the ocean and travels all over the world, in particular Argentina, trying to recruit Montenegrin diaspora, to convert them into Serbs by buying their national identity with passports, and thus separate them from their Montenegrin national roots and church.

Although in these new circumstances he should finally forget about politics and (at least) in his late years turn to believers and their problems, Risto (Amfilohije) Radović repulsively continues to make unrealistic, risky and provocative political moves. In doing so, he is backed up by some nationalistic and warmongering forces still sitting in the Parliament of Montenegro. Politics and business are the main activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan in Montenegro. Moreover, these activities have led him high up – all the way up to the top of Rumija!

There is no doubt that the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro has the status of a separate state within the state!

It has reached this status at the moment when the Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church, Risto (Amfilohije) Radović hosted “tigers”, a paramilitary unit led by war criminal Željko Ražnatović “Arkan”, with their full war equipment and just before their departure to Dubrovnik battlefield, in the early nineties of the last century, as well as when Risto drew a line between the criminal chauvinistic acts on “St. Lazar path” of a Sarajevo politician Biljana Plavšić, and the epic humanism and the beauty of unique Kosovo Maiden, and finally, when he received high rewards for war merits from his friend Radovan Karadžić… Risto did this all without any feelings for Montenegro and its people endangered by Greater Serbia nationalists.

Risto (Amfilohije) Radović used to feel so powerful in Montenegro that he believed that it was his duty, with Arkan’s armed security protecting him, to anathematize anyone “who would split Serbia and Montenegro”. This militant Serbian monk (many justifiably call him “colonel” or “warrior in cassock”) blessed in Cetinje’s Monastery Arkan’s “Tigers” even after they had come back from burnt Konavle and destroyed Dubrovnik. But those that he encouraged to wage a war, to hold on to the idea of ”unification of all Serbian lands” are no longer militant Amfilohije’s “front line forces“. He forgot long ago about Željko Ražnatović Arkan, Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić, Slobodan Milošević, Biljana Plavšić, Momčilo Krajišnik, Nikola Koljević, Vojislav Šešelj, Pavle Stugar, Momir Bulatović, captain Dragan, Mirjana Marković… Serbian Orthodox Church automatically rejects all of those who stumble in the realization of Greater Serbia Project (and all the above mentioned stumbled because of the nightstick of the international community that punched them, this being the only way), leaving them behind as if they were never born at all, and returning to original nationalist myths and ideas harmonized with Ilija Garašanin’s Načertanije and gathering around them their new chauvinistic forces which will help Serbian people hold on to their “St. Lazar’s path” to the “Heavenly Realm”. However, they still sometimes remember war actors that “defended Serbian interests” in the past, for example when Amfilohije said that he cherished Karadžić and Mladić in his heart or when Serbian priests serve liturgy in churches in honor of the Supreme Chetniks’ Commander Dragoljub „Draža“ Mihailović.

Amfilohije Radović is now testing the Montenegrin public by releasing new ”proposals for thinking”. He now remembered the Njegoš and his tomb. He remembered the Lovćen. The Chapel has remained in its ruins, he points out with an expression of concern, the Chapel which was built for “patriotic reasons” by the “unifier” King Aleksandar Karađorđević for Njegoš and for his mother’s family in Montenegro. The story for naive politicians and their followers, and there are many of those in Montenegro, modernly scattered in various political parties. These Amfilohije’s emissaries deny that king Aleksandar’s signature in 1920 revoked autocephalous Montenegrin Orthodox Church, which is now, renewed, waging fierce battles for its rights, and that it was exactly Aleksandar who destroyed (though damaged) the Chapel that Njegoš devoted to his uncle Petar I, and they are forgetting that Petar I Petrović was the Metropolitan of autocephalous Montenegrin Orthodox Church and that he was canonized in it.

This last Amfilohije’s move, however, points out that the Serbian Metropolitan, who was born in Morača, overestimated his political strength (which, with the support from Belgrade, no matter what in what form, is not insignificant), but there are a lot of such cases of political hooliganism, ignorance and aberration, based on pretentious Balkan primitive egotism in the struggle to impose nationalistic programs to other nations. Cases which, when seen individually, have all the characteristics of fantasy, or rather madness. Once, (let’s remember one similar case of an act of madness) accompanied by his followers and on his own initiative, the leader of the Serbian Radical Party, Vojislav Šešelj, with a hawthorn stake, like with a knight’s spear, attacked the tomb of the President of former Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito. Political analysts still wander what did this Serbian nationalist, the prisoner in the Hague at the moment, do it for? Serbian public wholeheartedly applauded to Šešelj’s attempts to stab hawthorn stake into Tito’s tomb, and for many other stabbings of thorns into healthy legs. Amfilohije’s followers too, as well as Šešelj’s, cry for applauses of masses. But, Šešelj is detained in the international court in Hague, before the international tribunal for war criminals because of his criminal politics. It is clear that not even worldly reputable attorneys could help him there, let alone Metropolitans of Serbian Orthodox Church who readily wait to be invited for war criminals’ confession before they are escorted by guards to the defendant’s stand.

This current exhibitionistic campaign of the Serbian Orthodox Church against Njegoš’s Mausoleum on Lovćen reminds of Šešelj’s assault on Tito’s tomb, yet this is a bit more sophisticated, cunning and apparently more civilized act. However, the starting point and the background of both ideologies is the same – to encourage people to massively participate in the popularization of St. Sava Religion and its martyrs, to rip people apart, turn them against each other and as soon as possible have them pointing guns at each other. This is why the difference between Šešelj and Amfilohije is not a big one. While Šešelj was brought before the court for his criminal acts in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro is not worried much about his own illegal acts and illegal constructions, and continues to engage, in Šešelj’s style, in the same jobs in which he was engaged during the bloody civil war in these areas. Every move he makes is full of ideology which denies Montenegro, insults Montenegrin people, their history and Church, their overall spiritual values. He is asking for the reconstruction of the Chapel on Lovćen as if he, as a proven mason from Rumija, built the Chapel. He presents himself to the Montenegrin public as someone who is more invited and more reliable to organize the celebration of 200 year anniversary of birth of famed Njegoš than the Njegoš’s Petrović family from Njeguši, with their descendants who are well off and in good health. Risto (Amfilohije) and his faithful supporters keep forgetting that this Chapel was damaged by Austrian bombshells (1916), and that it could have been reconstructed. They do not want to openly confess that the Chapel which was built by king Aleksandar Karađorđević (1925) on the place of the destroyed old one was devoted not only to St. George, but also to Aleksandar’s son, the heir to the throne, Petar, that doomed Petar who fled from Yugoslavia with tons of citizens’ gold bars, leaving his country in the lurch to the “mercy” of Hitler’s Nazis. Amfilohije slurs the key fact that Petar II Petrović Njegoš peacefully rests in Lovćen, and that Montenegro paid its respect to its honorable Ruler and Bishop Rade by building the magnificent Mausoleum. Montenegro paid its dues as it should to its Njegoš, the greatest of all poets of the South Slavs! While Amfilohije was pretending not to see it all, the authorities of Montenegro intentionally kept silent over his first criminal act, illegal construction of the church in Rumija for which he would have to be brought before court in any country with a rule of law. Why is he being forgiven this?

The book of Novak Kilibarda, Amfilohije and the Kosovo Myth, reveals secrets of political deceits of Serbian Orthodox Church and its aggressive acting in Montenegro. It reveals why Montenegrin authorities don’t, more energetically, do away with these permanent destructive activities. Instead of seeing Risto Radović, in accordance with the Constitution of Montenegro, as an ecclesiastic of modest monk ambitions, installed aside, he is imposing himself more and more as a political partner, as a Phanariot with mercantile and business ambitions with huge construction plans. He is doing it all referring to the Kosovo myth revival. In Montenegro, whose armed forces, historians have determined, did not take part in the famous battle, Serbian church authorities tumble the bones of heroes and martyrs of Kosovo. There is no longer Kosovo nor Gazimestan in Serbia, and they persistently claim that Lovćen is Serbian. They daydream. They daydreamed that Dubrovnik was theirs. Until not long ago they looked upon the war criminal Arkan with his “Tigers” as Miloš Obilić riding on his Ždralin.

Since Kosovo declared its independence, supported by large number of members of the UN and absolute majority of European countries, the Serbian Orthodox Church has lost the subject of Kosovo Myth – a trump card for the preservation of the unique Serbian territory, and its “heavenly people” are politically more and more coming down to earth. Some Metropolitans do not want to understand this. This is why the role of Risto (Amfilohije) Radović, the Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, is very interesting. Novak Kilibarda speaks about this in details in his book, encouraged by the most drastic Amilohije’s offence – the placement of an iron kiosk-church on Rumija, which has been a multiethnic shrine of Montenegro, a shrine of all of those who regardless of religious differences belong to St. Jovan Vladimir, the prince of Montenegro (which was called Doclea in his time).

Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro committed the offence in 2005, and the authorities of Montenegro have yet to resolve this case of illegal construction.

Me and Amfilohije is a part of Kilibarda’s book which talks about the meaningful acquaintance of the writer with the Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro during the war times in former Yugoslavia, in the early nineties, about an acquaintance which broke up for principled political reasons. Kilibarda watched Amfilohije from a close distance at a time when politicians and political leaders “of Serbian breath and smell”, grouped together in a moment when, as Kilibarda says, “science, politics and church shook hands”.

As for the Metropolitan’s illegal construction in Rumija, which was unselfishly supported by the state army, Kilibarda demonstratively requested this to be discussed at the level of the Republic Council for Protection of Rights of National and Ethnic Groups, whose member he was, which was chaired by the President of Montenegro Filip Vujanović. Since the mentioned body did not open a discussion on illegal construction on Rumija on the top of the mountain (they did not even take into consideration Kilibarda’s request, as if members of the Council did not have anything to say about it), the writer could not do anything but to shrug his shoulders in a nolens-volens way, and withdraw from this body. The public did not note that Amfilohije’s illegal construction in Rumija was not at all referred to by the state intellectual circles and institutions, apart from parties’ sniping and political polemics in the Parliament and other institutions.

With the title War-Political Connotations of the Kosovo Myth in the Past and Present, Kilibarda explains in details that it was thanks to the legends about Miloš Obilić and Nemanjić dynasty that the influence of Serbian Orthodox Church in these rocky Montenegrin land expanded. Therefore, he on some way also explains the preconditions for tragic abolishment of the autocephalous Montenegrin Orthodox Church and who were people that participated in its disappearing. The existence of Serbian Orthodox Church and its power is, according to Kilibarda, linked with the lost Battle of Kosovo (1389), and historically still unclear killer of Tsar Murat I. The lost Battle of Kosovo, the death of both commanders of the armies (of the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović and Turkish Sultan Murat I, Orhan’s son), legendary chivalry of the mythical character of Miloš Obilić, and everything else that followed as a part of cultural and national heritage were taken by the Serbian Orthodox Church as their historical dowry.

At this point we will remind readers of the role of Miloš Oblić (Kobilić) as a warrior, nowadays creating religious and political theories in the Balkans, primarily in Serbia and in Montenegro. One of those political and religious theories is represented by the elite of the Serbian Orthodox Church headed by Risto (Amilohije) Radović, analyzed by Novak Kilibarda from several angles.

There are many unclear possibilities with regard to the killer of Turkish Padishah Murat I and the way in which he was killed. Here is one. Konstatntin Philosopher, Serbian writer of Bulgarian origin, who describes the Battle of Kosovo in The Life of Despot Stefan Lazarević, claims that it was a “noble” man who was in the Serbian military command and close to Lazar Hrebeljanović, a warrior who was “suspected to be unfaithful”. In order to prove his loyalty, and courage at the same time, he pounced onto the great commander, said that he was a deserter and they accepted him. And when he got close to him he stuck his sword in dignified and mighty despot. There he himself gets killed by them”.

From this or similar unconvincing folk stories of the defeated people who were under Turks for centuries, the main Serbian knight was born, warrior on the basis of which Petar II Petrović Njegoš will create a cult of a Holy Warrior in his Mountain Wreath, warrior who in his struggle for Orthodoxy ends as a martyr in the battlefield.

Who, Miloš, would not envy thee?
A victim thou to thine own truth and worth!

Novak Kilibarda thoroughly analyzes all the historical data about Miloš Obilić, from Kosovo to Njegoš, as well as the data from the folk tales, the one from oral decasyllable epics. He answers the question why Vladika Rade took this child of a fairy and a dragon, nursed by a mare, as a sample of self-conscious sacrifice in the struggle for the orthodox religion.

“Before the culmination of the First Serbian Uprising, when the heroic epic and historical poem got its final artistic form, Serbian believers hadn’t the initiative to be overwhelmed with Obilić’s deed – Marko Kraljević had been in the scope of their interests” – Kilibarda pointed out, noting that “Miloš Obilić in the Mountain Wreath is only Njegoš’s, and not the one from Montenegrin oral tradition”. Kilibarda is right when he says that with Mountain Wreath Njegoš engraved in Montenegrin consciousness ”the ideology of Christian and martyr readiness” which was, in the first place, in function of his basic topic – repressing Islam in these (Christian) areas, that he devotes his big epic to. Njegoš’s Mustaj-Khadija said long time ago:

Your Miloš throws you into some strange stupor
Or else intoxicates to wild excess…

“Yet Kosovo mythology would not have so fully integrated in the spirit of one nation, nor would it have replaced its positive historical profile with a genocide one if Serbian Orthodox Church had not taken things in its hands.” – Kilibarda points out, personally convinced that Amfilohije had an important role in it all.

The role of church in building Montenegrin state and society, national culture and spirituality, has already been described by Novak Kilibarda in his novels. In the Montenegrin Chronicle, he presents Montenegrin Church as a conceptual leader to freedom. All Montenegrin metropolitans from the Petrović dynasty were turned into fictional characters with strong, emotional, state and freedom loving zeal. His novel Epilogue of Montenegrin Chronicle – Amfilohije’s Gospel, however, speaks, in a sarcastic way, of destructive, ideological and political function of Serbian Orthodox Church in the territory of Montenegro and beyond. The Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Coast is described as the one who has carried out racist projects aimed at building a unique Serbian state at the expense of other Balkan peoples and religions. Although it covers a long period of Montenegrin state and political occupier’s role of Serbian Orthodox Church, this novel offers in more than one place some views on current historical and political problems of idependent Montenegro in its relationship with Serbia, which remain open till the present day. There are more than a few real events that Kilibarda describes in the Epilogue. We are giving just one example. In January 1993, an Orthodox from Trebinje, Srđan Aleksić, protected his Muslim friend Alen Glavović from Serbian soldiers who looked for Muslims and Catholics in the market in Trebinje. Srđan was beaten up to death with Serbian gun handles because of this. Why does not the Serbian Orthodox Church glorify this brave knight instead of Miloš Obilić (there is not even a street in his hometown named after Srđan), and why do not they light candles for his soul instead of continuing with their political topics that they are not even entitled to, such as Njegoš’s tomb on Lovćen? They stick their noses where they shouldn’t – as people would say.

And when everything is destroyed in human tradition and memory, actors of war think that the end justifies the means. Such a style of civil behavior will be justified by Amfilohije’s Almighty. The Almighty will even justify illegal construction, wherever they like, using the secularism principle as an excuse, which is accepted by Montenegrin officials, and instead of getting out the excavators for pulling down Amfilohije’s illegal constructions, they open courteous, saloon talks of mutual respect, talking about canons instead of believers’ rights and the respect of basic civil laws.

With his book Amfilohije and the Kosovo Myth, Novak Kilibarda presents himself to the Montenegrin public as a true connoisseur of all historical courses in these regions in which Montenegro arduously created its destiny, starting from its thousand years old statehood to all the important elements for promoting Montenegrin nation that Greater Serbia extremists stubbornly deny. It is important to mention here Kilibarda’s political experience at the beginning of the nineties of the last century when he was in the company of party leaders who allegedly set off to a fight for salvation of Yugoslav unification, who soon turned out to be political frauds and liars who were leading the country to civil war with many casualties by stirring up nationalist waves. Kilibarda spotted fraudulent intentions of adjacent “brothers” towards Montenegro and defended his country in the best possible way. He raised his voice against Greater Serbia aggression against Montenegro, which was initiated by Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević following the instructions of Serbian Academicians and bishops. This Kilibarda’s struggle for Montenegro has lasted for more than seventeen years in several directions: political, diplomatic, scientific, cultural, publicist. In order to restrain nationalistic tensions in Montenegro instigated from the side, in 1996 Kilibarda makes an alliance between his pro-Serbian People’s Party and the pro-Montenegrin Liberal Alliance forming a coalition People’s Concord, which had been unthinkable only a year before. Forming People’s Concord is of great historical importance for Montenegro and the whole region. It will remain in the history of Montenegro as the only real, in advance well thought out political precondition for the reconstruction of the Montenegrin statehood and a modern affirmation of the Montenegrin nation.

“Such Kilibarda’s commitment brought more political advantage to Montenegro and to the idea of Montenegrin independence than it did to him personally” – says Živko M. Andrijašević in the foreword to the Epilogue of the Montenegrin Chronicle, printed by Pobjeda in 2011.

Together with Perović in People’s Concord, Kilibarda fought against Milošević’s politics, in time when there was not yet a political power within DPS which would oppose Milošević’s politics and bring the split in the ruling party. Still, Kilibarda’s decisions in regard to complete abandonment of Greater Serbia politics have been sharply criticized. However, as a rule his critics do not use facts as arguments but “from the height” they use empty and bombastic words in order to condemn him as a person.

All things considered, Kilibarda’s political path is a very interesting story. Kilibarda was a sincere admirer of culture and tradition of non-Orthodox nations even in days when he believed in unitary politics. We will cite one statement he made for “People’s Gazette” in an interview from 9 March, 1992. To the question “Your students witness that at the faculty you equally passionately interpret Serbian and Muslim national literature. However, how do you see the possibility of further coexistence with Muslims, since relations between Serbs and them are obviously too much disturbed?”, Kilibarda answered: “Literature once started to bring us to each other and reconcile us and then all kinds of different politics destroyed it all. However, it seems to me that time will come again when literature and tradition will bring us closer. Because, what is the difference between Andrić and Selimović, and wasn’t it Njegoš who wrote the most divine verses about Istanbul, and who would think that Omer and Merima is a Turkish poem while reading it? I believe in wisdom of Muslim people and I remind you that we share the same language, roots and mentality”.

Instead of hatred, which was the basic food for political acting of Slobodan Milošević and his supporters, Novak Klibarda and Slavko Perović enabled reconciliation of national animosities and old ideological exclusions, i.e. agonal divisions between tribes that served as a basis for opening new battle lines of hatred and war. One of these battle lines is still kept by Risto (Amfilohije) Radović who does not change his political attitudes towards Montenegro and Montenegrin people. Risto has never reconsidered the Memorandum of SANU, Ilija Garašanin’s Načertanije or any other Serbian political program spreading poison for centuries, at least when it comes to Montenegro. Amfilohije spits on the country where he was born, where he attended elementary school. This is well illustrated with what he had to say about Montenegrin nation. Here are some examples:

“I was told, and it seems to be true, that Milovan Đilas was ordered to historically explain and document the existence of Montenegrin nation and that he did it on the basis of Marx’s studies. However, in 1954 Đilas abandoned this bastard of his and now he writes and feels as a Serb. But the evil creation remains.” (Belgrade TV News, March 1988);

“The attitude of the Communist party (in accordance with the directives of the Comintern before the war) was that the Balkans and Serbian people who are in the heart of it should be weakened. On the basis of that, new peoples were created who had never existed in the past, like the Montenegrin people. They are the most obvious example. I am a Serb, although I was born in Montenegro.” (Mladina, October 1988);

“Montenegrins have never existed through history.” (Književne novine, 1989);

“Montenegrins are Communists bastards and litter.” (Vraćanje duše u čistotu, 1992);

“Montenegrin nation was invented in Tito’s and Đilas’ laboratory.” (Politikin svet, 1992);

“Modern converts to Islam, poisoned with an opaque illness that Miodrag Bulatović rightfully called brozomora – betrayed the vital interests of this people… Out of one nation four non-existent nations came to be – as Matija Bećković would say – younger than me… and they are, according to my belief, the biggest betrayals with long lasting consequences.” (Borba, 1992);

“At this moment, our souls are protected, just as our language was protected by Vuk Karadžić, by someone with the same surname, together with Plavšić – a new Kosovo Maiden, and with Krajišnik, because on this night they set off on St. Lazar’s path. They committed themselves to heaven, just as Tsar Lazar did.” (When Vance-Owen Plan was rejected by Republika Srpska in 1993);

“May there be as few as possible of those who bow to the pagan Tsar of the damned Doclean, and may the pagan Tsar of Doclea be affixed with a hammer to the Vizier’s bridge.” (At the New Year’s Eve in line with Julian calendar, Podgorica 2002);

When asked if Montenegro and Serbia could split without big disturbances, Amfilohije answered: “They will move away from each other only when they move away from their memory, historical being, from knights’ blood mixed in all the battles, from their language, from their knowledge.” (Glas javnosti, February 2002);

“Mother Jovanka is one of those mothers such as mother Jugović, or mother Jevrosima, because she advised her children just like Jevrosima advised Marko Kraljević not to judge someone on the merits of his relatives but on the basis of God’s justice.” (In Nikšić, at the funeral of the mother of the Hague convict Radovan Karadžić);

“And then, when this happened, I said – Radovan, if you have to hide somewhere, come to Montenegro. This is where brigands have always hidden.” (Načisto, TV Vijesti, 2011).

Considering his politics, these absurd, ideological statements by Risto (Amifilohije) Radović about the Montenegrin nation do not surprise us. It is not necessary to explain too much how unfounded they are, because all of the historical sources deny them. There is no reasonable being, let alone an intellectual who can claim that communists invented Montenegrin nation in 1945, let’s say, after the statement of King Nikola that “Montenegrin issue is not an issue of a dynasty, but an issue of a small nation and small number of people” or the one of Prince Petar Petrović that “Montenegro exist as a collective person, as a nation”. Then there are works such as those of Nikola Petanović or Sekula Drljević. Montenegrin nation and nationality were quite normal categories for Prince Danilo, and St. Petar of Cetinje in his letters to foreign statesmen wrote about Montenegrins and their Nation. Even Njegoš (although he was under strong influence of his teacher, Serbian poet Simo Milutinović Sarajlija who developed Serbian consciousness in his mind, until then unknown to Montenegrins*) undoubtedly belonged to the Montenegrin nation – in the Contract on the sale of Maine from 1837 he mentions Montenegrin nation and in the Contract on the sale of Stanjevići Monastery, from 6 May 1839, Njegoš naturally points out “Montenegrin Nation and the Nation thereof, with every public law…” and does so a decade before Marx published the “Communist Manifest”, and more than half a century before Tito, and over seventy years before Đilas was even born! (*Often, for the purposes of propaganda, the so-called Njegoš’s Serbdom is manipulated with. Njegoš’s “Serbdom” is not outsourced from original Montenegrin tradition where it did not exist; let’s now leave aside the fact that common people used, most probably under the influence of Peć Patriarchy, the name “Serb” in confessional meaning – regardless of real ethnic and national belonging, Orthodox were called “Serbs”, Muslims were called “Turks”, and Catholics “Latins”. It is important to point out, as Kilibarda explains in his book, that the Kosovo myth and Serbdom came to Montenegro (where Njegoš extended them) via an strange person, Njegoš’s teacher Simo Milutinović Sarajlija, who, according to those who knew him, fanatically propagated the glorifying relationship towards Serbdom. However, all this does not deny Njegoš’s Montenegrin nationality, which is denied only by individual “historians”, who are in the service of ideological and party’s interest. In addition to that, St. Sava’s Religion did not exist in the consciousness of Petar II, who, in fact, has never mentioned the name of Sava (Rastko) Nemanjić in his work.) Metropolitan Amfilohije knows all of that, but what is important to him is that ordinary people do not know this. He actually does not have his personal opinion, nor was he sent to Montenegro to think freely; he was sent to spread rigid nationalistic theories of Dobrica Ćosić and Matija Bećković, to dance the “Serbian folk dance” on a melody coming from Belgrade. On the other hand, Novak Kilibarda takes every opportunity to represent his attitude, regardless of the consequences that are on stake. This Montenegrin literary historian put his neck under the Communist sword with dignity, not willing to change his opinion because he has protected the right of the mother-heroine of Rako Mugoša to abate her grief for her son by the fact that he got killed by a hero greater than him. This greater hero was Krsto Zrnov Popović, leader of the movement for liberation of Montenegro from Serbia, declared a traitor by the contemporary regime, based on rigid philosophy of he who is not with us is against us. This is the mother’s lament in its original form:

My poor son!
In vain I’ve told you
When you set off in a chase,
Not to approach the beast in the hills.
Krsto is no coward
He is the knight of Montenegro.
It will be soothing for your mother’s grieving
That she has lost you over a hero!

And because Kilibarda wrote a foreword in a book with this lament, he lost his job as the Director of Pedagogic Academy in Nikšić. He lost the position of an MP in the Parliament of Montenegro and other high positions. He would have lost the position of a Professor of folk literature at the faculty, had it not been for a distinguished Montenegrin politician Veljko Milatović.

The book Amfilohije and the Kosovo Myth opens up many current problems of the society: it also points to paranoiac authorities of Montenegro that believe that they can stay on the top only if they calculate with Greater Serbia interests. They fear that winds coming from the Danube banks, from Serbian Orthodox Church and SANU will blow them away from Montenegrin coast where they have berthed long ago thanks to SANU and St. Sava Religion. That is why Mr. Risto (Amfilohije) Radović with his chosen guests enjoys in Cetinje Monastery under Orlov krš, earns money from Montenegrin sanctuaries and builds houses of worships and temples on tops of Montenegrin mountains, aiming to wipe away their history and prove, in a subtle way, who is the ruler in a sovereign and independent Montenegro. The priests of Serbian Orthodox Church are also worried about the Serbian meals prepared in Montenegrin restaurants. They don’t like a thing from the Montenegrin menu, not even Montenegrin Kačamak, but are angry that they cannot find “Serbian Cicvara” in the restaurants.

Comparing to what patriarchs and bishops from other Orthodox countries do, it is easy to conclude that there will not be full state sovereignty without autocephalous (national) church, which best understands other religions who are destined to be tied in co-existence with others. If this was implemented, Serbian clerical leaders in Montenegro would not have even thought about opening construction works on Rumija, Sveti Stefan or Lovćen.

Only devil’s minds can think of such constructions.

In Podgorica, on St. Elias Day of 2012                                                Božidar Ilijin Miličić

A NOTE TO A READER

In front of you, dear readers, is the second, revised edition of the book first published in 2006, under the title The Iron Church and the Kosovo myth. Since then Mr. Amfilohije Radović, with his clerical and political machinery, has not restrained himself from anti-Montenegrin activities, what will be illustrated and confirmed with specific examples. Although his mission has taken on different forms, it has been carried out in the same intensity, both as disguised and masked, and as open and straightforward. This Metropolitan still takes the liberty of interfering in political, state, national, ethnical, academic, linguistic, construction, military, and many other issues that do not fall within the job description of any religious person on the face of the planet, in addition to compromising the rights of minorities and national property, thus hindering the progress of our country on the European and Euro-Atlantic path.

In accordance with his old concept that the „Montenegrins are Serbs of Orthodox Religion and that Lovćen is the roof of Serbdom which is to be returned its old hat“, he tried, among other things, to affix a stamp of Greater Serbia domination on the top of Lovćen (as he did it to Rumija), with the help of some politicians obedient to him. In fact, he planned to renew the chapel which was built by former occupier, King Aleksandar Karađorđević of Serbia, and to do that formally using the name of Petar I. Amfilohije’s statements to the media, in which he claimed that the church of St. Petar was demolished some 40 years ago, testified that he wanted to deliberately deceive the Montenegrin public and uninformed believers, so that he could achieve political objectives. In order to clarify this the explanation follows – Njegoš, during his reign, had built on the top of Lovćen a small church dedicated to St. Petar of Cetinje, where the mortal remains of Njegoš were buried few years after his death. Although during Austria’s military assaults the church was only damaged, meaning that it could have been restored, king Aleksadar flattened it to the ground and built the chapel dedicated to the rule of Serbian Karađorđević dynasty in occupied Montenegro, which was the symbol of the final destruction of the hard-won and painstakingly defended Montenegrin national independence. Mr. Amfilohije obviously had an intention of installing the „Serbdom cap“ on Lovćen and doing what Karađorđevićs failed to do – breaking the wings and pride of our Lovćen’s thought which has always been the basis of freedom of Montenegro and for which Njegoš and his Petrović Dynasty fought for. Failure of the nefarious task is reflected in the fact that Aleksandar’s building was removed a few decades ago and replaced with a noble Njegoš’s Mausoleum, perpetuating thus the victory of justice and fight For the Right, Honor and Freedom of Montenegro. I am sure that Njegoš himself would rather have his relics in the monumental mausoleum (which, let’s remind, Amfilohije despises) than in the building erected by the person who destroyed the church of St. Petar I, and dethroned the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty, leaving the rightful ruler of Montenegro to languish away in a foreign land.

And, as if all these attacks on the mountains of Montenegro were not sufficient, verbal orgy in order to humiliate Montenegro and ranting over its nation continues. We had, for example, an opportunity to hear Amfilohije’s statement (which was later repeated by Serbian Patriarch Irinej in its entirety) that the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro as a part of the Serbian Patriarchate, is older than Montenegro, which was created by it (!), and that therefore Montenegro needs to register with the church, not the other way around! Why do dignitaries of the Serbian Orthodox Church persistently ignore the basic facts for the ignorance of which even elementary school children would receive low grades? How can Serbian Church be the creator of Montenegro when Montenegrin statehood (in the undisputed state continuity Doclea – Zeta – Montenegro) is older than Orthodoxy?! Either the leaders of the Serbian Orthodox Church are in the possession of a science-fiction time machine, or perhaps they hope that their toying with history will be accepted by the congregation on the basis of the ancient clerical principle Credo quia absurdum est („I believe because it’s absurd“).

In the meantime, the Montenegrin Orthodox Church remains stripped of its rights, and the current authorities are not even trying to tackle the issue of factual restoring church property to the state, to make it democratically available to both Orthodox communities. Such an ignorance of these enormous problems can have tragic consequences. If the government does not make an effort to ensure that principles that are laid down in the Constitution of Montenegro and the imperative requirements of the European Union – the freedom of religion and equality of religious communities, are fulfilled, they will dig a pit for themselves, and in the long run, this lack of care may give a final blow to Montenegro.

We hope that the strength will be found within the Montenegrin state to establish justice and defend the nation from chauvinism of clerical nationalistic subversions that are constant in Saint Sava Religion, i.e. unitary-Greater Serbia politics of Mr. Amfilohije Radović.

N. K.

ME AND AMFILOHIJE

Due to the political activity of the Serbian Metropolitan in Montenegro, Mr. Amfilohije Radović, aimed at breaking the multi-ethnic stability in Montenegro, I resigned from membership in the Republic Council for Protection of Rights of National and Ethnic Groups, chaired by the President Filip Vujanović. Since Mr. Amfilohije was a member of that Council, I felt a moral and political duty to warn the Council through my resignation, although I was a member from the date of its etablishing (chairmen M. Bulatović, M. Đukanović and F. Vujanović), that this body is obliged to adequately react to the actions of its members which oppose the tasks and aims of the Council as laid down by the law. Anyway, here is the integral text of the resignation filed on 2 August 2005:

“With the expressions of deep respect, I publicly inform you, dear Mr. President, of my decision to file an irrevocable resignation from membership in the Council for the Protection of Minorities and Ethnic Groups in Montenegro, presided by you as the President of Montenegro. Here’s why I have decided to leave this significant government body whose member I have been ever since it was established.

A member of our Council, Mr. Amfilohije Radović, with his title of grandeur resonance – “the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Exarch of Zeta and the Hills and Skenderia and Holy Exarch of Peć”, attacked the core of Montenegrin multi-ethnicity, by installing the iron church on the top of Rumija, the mountain that has been a gathering place for all the religions from their hillside (Orthodox Montenegrins and Serbs, Catholic Croats and Albanians, Muslim Bosniaks alias Muslims) who used to gather once a year, for many centuries, on the top of it. The silence of our Council with regard to the political and clerical incident provoked by one of its members implies the cancellation of the Council, and the function reflected in its name.

Through my resignation, I appeal to other distinguished members of the Council to resign too, because I think that such a joint act would help Montenegro stabilize its democratic character and constitutional position, which have been weakened by this planned act of the Serbian Orthodox Church, unitarian politics of some political circles of Serbia and the Armed Forces of Serbia and Montenegro, implemented through Metropolitan Amfilohije. Our joint resignation could warn the government that they are to carry out constitutional authority in all the circumstances when Montenegro is under attack. No matter from which side. Dear colleagues, dear members of the Council, if you do not accept my proposal, I wish you luck in your friendship with Mr. Amfilohije in the Council in charge of protecting human and civil rights of minorities and ethnic groups in Montenegro.

With sincere regards, Novak Kilibarda”.

As the Council remained silent about the incident of the Metropolitan Amfilohije, and because other Council members (Orthodox, Catholics, Muslims, agnostics and atheists) did not accept my proposal to resign, I decided to inform the public of the facts about anti-Montenegrin activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, headed by Mr. Amfilohije, to which I pointed out also in early 2001. My pointing out the danger of clerical manipulations of Mr. Amfilohije had no effect in Montenegro at that time. That is why instead of pointing out, I decided to make an appeal which will be heard by the public.

First, I will speak of how Mr. Amfilohije and I met, then how we cooperated, and finally how we parted.

When Serbian Patriarch German got ill, there were rumors that Bishop Amfilohije Radović will replace him. It was not so; Pavle became the Serbian Patriarch.

I heard that Metropolitan Amfilohije was a monk of great education, a monk legend built from the history of Morača tribe and Monastery, whose teacher was famous Justin Popović, a monk of unattainable knowledge! When a hot legend and cold water start flowing they are unstoppable, if you build a dam to stop them they will overwhelm it!

Mr. Amfilohije and I met a couple of times at some scientific, political and church symposia. Bishop Atanasije Jevtić often attended meetings with a Serbian-nationalist theme, while Mr. Amfilohije was yet to set on his way. I read my scientific papers, but I was recognized as a voluntary passenger on Serbian highway. This was the period of explosion of the Greater Serbian nationalism based on the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, excursions of the relics of Serbian Prince Lazar alias martyr-heavenly emperor, and the rise of Slobodan Milošević, whose name was associated with the Kosovo hero Miloš Obilić and Serbian freedom. Slobo-freedom, the second Miloš! Particular importance was given to the contributions of the clergy, especially of knowledgeable bishops such as Atanasije Jevtić, Amfilohije Radović and Irinej Bulović. Croatian Ustashe’s and Islamic fundamentalists’ exclamations add strength to clerical-nationalistic and Serbian-unitarian sail boats. Tito’s Yugoslavia was unstoppably shaken.

My first acquaintance with Mr. Amfilohije was at the Serbian Patriarchate in Belgrade, at the round table on the relationship between the Serbian Church and the Serbian people. The third speaker was Dr. Jovan Rašković, the last political leader of Serbs in Croatia. It was hot summer, the room was hardly big enough to accommodate numerous and sweaty crowd led by the Kosovo myth and celestial guard of Serbian unitary plans. Prominent architect Peđa Ristić was in the audience, the architect of the Temple of Saint Sava in Vračar, under construction at the time, at a place where Ottomans burned relics of the first Serbian archbishop Sava Nemanjić. They enthusiastically talked about the placement of the central dome at its highest Serbian Temple, as an architectural wonder. At the end of the debate followed by a big applause, architect Ristić invited the three of us to visit the sacred Saint Sava construction site the next day. We gratefully accepted the invitation with a commitment. There was a mixture of spiritual and political interference of those invited and the host.

First we entered the architectural office, which was located near a small church in Vračar, near the temple under construction. There we had a ceremonial welcome. Several notable old Belgrade citizens came, those who lived through Aleksandar’s Kingdom, and Tito’s time, to greet the awakening of the Kosovo myth and Saint Sava Religion. These notable citizens looked like they put on clothes from museum’s treasury. After a pleasant welcome and emotional conversation, the three of us went with architect Ristić to visit the building. After we have seen it Rašković left us alone, and I suggested Mr. Amfilohije a walk through the park, between the National Library, Karađorđe’s monument and the temple under construction. Dusk was near and I felt refreshing breeze from Vračar. The Bishop accepted the proposal.

While we were walking, I asked him directly whether rumors that he would be the Metropolitan of Montenegro were true. I wanted to know if this depended only on his will, or if the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church determined it. His Grace told me that his eventual willingness to come to Cetinje as Metropolitan would be fully supported by the Holy Synod. At the time, Mr. Amfilohije was the Bishop of Banat and was also the lecturer at the Theological Faculty in Belgrade.

From my political position of that time, I summoned all my skills to convince the son of the region called Morača, Metropolitan and University Professor Dr. Amfilohije Radović that his arrival at the Metropolitan seat, the throne of St. Petar of Cetinje and Metropolitan Petar Petrović Njegoš, would be extremely significant. Old Metropolitan Danilo Dajković, I said, who deserves all respect, was leaving the throne by force of nature, and an educated elite Metropolitan, from the prestigious Morača tribe, would be very important for the renewal of spirituality in Montenegro. Amfilohije did not speak much, he relied on my eloquence. He listened, asking me some irrelevant questions. I felt that he wanted to hear what I had to say, he was rather a buyer, so to say, than a seller. And God has rewarded me with skills of a seller rather than those of a buyer. Which does not mean I am a bad trader. We walked for a long time, but the sun was going down and we parted. He went to the right, and I to the left!

I am not saying that Bishop Amfilohije came to the position of Metropolitan in Montenegro because of me, but I helped, because it was normal for him to accept my arguments. In those years, I was a University Professor and a writer, as well as a politician committed to the Serb unity. So I participated in the preparation of the arrival to Montenegro of a man who will cause a lot of damage to it. “Let him who is without sin”… I hold on to the folk saying – forgiveness is granted to those who admit that what they did was wrong!

Soon Bishop Amfilohije from Banat was inaugurated in Cetinje as the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Exarch of Zeta, the Hills and Skenderia and Holy Exarch of Peć. Serbian Patriarch Pavle with a group of bishops participated in the ritual, with a small group of people observing it. There were representatives of the Ecumenical, Greek, Russian, Bulgarian and other Orthodox Patriarchates. There were also all of the politicians and party leaders that were of Serbian breath and smell! In the left corner of the Cetinje Monastery, which was spiritual seat of Montenegro ever since the time of Ivan Crnojević, stood closely side by side, Radovan Karadžić with his wife, Ljiljana, Academician Matija Bećković who declared Kosovo as „the most expensive Serbian land“ and myself.

After Metropolitan enthronement we went to lunch at Cetinje Park Hotel which was built on the foundation of historical gambling café Lokanda. Serbian Patriarch sat with the newly inaugurated Metropolitan of Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro and a group of local and visiting dignitaries at the main table. Matija Bećković and I were also there. I was approached by a priest from Kotor, Momčilo Krivokapić, who was the moderator of this ceremonial meal, and who suggested that I should raise a toast. I think that he rather thought of my eloquence than of any special meaning of my position for that gathering. I got up and made a link between Morača Monastery and personalities that were born in its sacred shade. Archimandrite Dimetrije whose words were always confirmed by his deeds, Gavarilo Dožić as the right hand of Aleksandar Karađorđević, Matija Bećković who spoke of Kosovo as “the equator of the Serbian planet” and Amfilohije Radović who now shines in the Laura in which St. Petar of Cetinje and Njegoš, a poet who grafted the myth of Miloš Obilić into the collective consciousness of the Serbian people, were inaugurated. I spoke adoringly, as is spoken at promotions and commemorations.

Despite the apologetic words which I abundantly used in the speech about him, somehow, from the first moment, in the park in Vračar, I had a feeling that Amfilohije was not overjoyed in my company. I noticed that he would casually talk to someone else and that he was tight with me. And when his face grins at me, his eyes speak for his soul. Mr. Amfilohije loves collocutors who accept what he has to say as a sacred axiom, as a speech drawn out from St. Sava holy texts. I am a man who cannot only listen, I talk back! Even in the company of great persons, as were, say, Borislav Mihailović Mihiz and Ćamil Sijarić, I had to say something. I went so many times to the residential chamber, but I would never have found a man there who discussed about something with him. I’ve seen there just flunkies, and Christian hand kissers, persons who are considered to be happy because they have a chance to watch and listen to Dr. Amfilohije Radović, professor and translator, polyglot, Montenegrin Metropolitan, Exarch of Zeta, the Hills and Skenderia and Holy Exarch of Peć! I used to go with Amfilohije to literary public lectures. He loved to read his poems, especially at gatherings in Piva. I once even held the holy archbishop scepter while he recited one of his poems. I wasn’t impressed by his lyrics. It was religious didactics more than a poetic metaphor. I do not understand how a man of such educational background could not see it. I have not talked to him about his or someone else’s poetry.

On the other hand, Amfilohije hasn’t told me what he thought of my literary work. I wrote a novel Montenegrin Chronicle which depicts Montenegrin church as a conceptual leader to freedom. It includes all the big events in Montenegro and fictional characters of all Metropolitans from the Petrović Dynasty: Danilo, Sava, Vasilije, Petar I and Petar II. When the book was published and got a reward from Serbian Literary Cooperative, I wrote a dedication and sent it to Mr. Amfilohije. It was in 1995. However, not once during our meetings did the Metropolitan mention that he got my novel. I am reiterating that my novel is the first literary work in Montenegro in which Montenegrin Metropolitans Petrović were given literary characters. This means that the Metropolitan was officially obliged to say something about the literary characters of Montenegrin Metropolitans, whether positive or negative. However, some lamenters ran to him, with their tongues out, to sue me because of blasphemy in the novel Montenegrin Chronicle. Blasphemy was in the fact that I described a priest who was with a young woman in the attic, as well as young Rade, the son of Tomo, making love in a mill with a young woman with exuberant breasts. One church patriot from Bar begged Metropolitan Amfilohije to excommunicate me form the holy St. Sava’s Serbian Church.

Mr. Amfilohije, as a politician in the cassock of Serbian orientation, at the beginning of his pontificate was supportive of me. When general meeting of the People’s Party was organized in Nikšić, in order to remove two deputy presidents who ploughed the party’s roads, Amfilohije came and greeted the meeting and had a speech which could be regarded as a prologue for all his later political usurpations until now in Montenegro. The arrival of a monk from Montenegro at a party’s general meeting marked the beginning of a political practice of the Metropolitan Amfilohije, which would reach its climax with the placement of the iron church on the top of Rumija. Once, ahead of elections, I called Metropolitan Amfilohije on the phone and I asked him to arrange a reception with Patriarch Pavle, believing that this would be very important for the voters of the People’s Party. He acted as if he was waiting for me to ask for that, and he immediately recommended me to his Holiness after which I found myself in the Patriarchate very soon. In the reception room, there was one Metropolitan and two priests. The press gave a lot of publicity to this reception, and the People’s Party had noticeably good results in the elections and the result would be even better if the ruling party was not a master in counting votes. After that, in all offices of the People’s Party there was a big photo of his holiness, Serbian Patriarch, with the leader of the People’s Party. All of this was achieved thanks to the newly seated Metropolitan Amfilohije, and this was his entrance exam for political studies devoted to disturbing Montenegro. However, the People’s Party paid its dues to His Excellency. He didn’t have to worry about the largeness of his massive liturgies and political meetings with us who were fast and with loud voices. It is hard to list now all the places we visited together with him: from Podgorica to Pljevlja, from Somina to Komovi, from heroic Čevo to bragging Bjelopavlići, from vigorous and robust Vasojevići to rocky Cuce, from Rovci to flat Banjani, from the top to the bottom of Serbian Sparta! Tribal and brotherhood support to Metropolitan Amfilohije and Academician Matija has been rooted in by the People’s Party. The difference is that Amfilohije’s beard is now grey, Bećković is more vigorous than ever. Everything is the same except that he (me!) is not there! Once again, who admits that what he did was not right is forgiven a half of his actions. The biggest sinners in Christianity can become Saints. Remember the most famous example – Apostle Paul. This was, actually, most transparently shown by the Serbian Holy Synod when they adopt the proposal to declare as saints the two priests from Pljevlja who were shot by communists as Chetnik butchers. One of the two was specialized in using dirk as a weapon and the other one in mallet!

Once, as I was coming back from Somina with Mr. Amfilohije (he was at the consecration of the foundation stone, in a church), I invited him for coffee in Nikšić or Podgorica, but he told me that he was not coming back to Cetinje, but that he was going to Knin. Asked why he was going there he answered: “I am going there with God’s help to encourage our brothers!” The army of Franjo Tuđman was on its way to Knin and took strategic places without which Knin could not have been defended. Then I thought: “My Goodness, don’t Serbs have their bishops who are closer to Knin; why Amfilohije must go there from faraway Cetinje?!“

I read in the press that Metropolitan Amfilohije went to the Hague for the communion of the brothers who were charged for war crimes, and those Serbian brothers were from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. I thought again, there were so many bishops who were active in the territories that the defendants were from, and Metropolitan Amfilohije from Cetinje again had to go there. When there were demonstrations in Belgrade in 1996, the Metropolitan from Montenegro blew the whistle and went with masses through Belgrade. At that time, Mr. Sava, the Bishop of Šumadija, a respectful theological person and Academician did not blow whistle in Belgrade streets because this melody was not respectful for highly spiritual persons. As soon as Slobodan Milošević was imprisoned, Mr. Amfilohije went to the central prison in Belgrade to have the confession of a Serbian leader who was imprisoned by heavenly Serbs who were traitors. The polyglot from Cetinje went to Hague as well, with an intention to have a confession by the Lazar’s heir, who was imprisoned by the Vatican and homosexual West. Tireless Metropolitan arrived to Hague, but in vain. The atheist Milošević didn’t welcome him with spread arms, but refused even to see him. The devil is not as black as he is said to be! At the funeral of the assassinated Zoran Đinđić, there was a Patriarch and many Serbian bishops and priests, but Amfilohije held the speech. The family of deceased Đinđić was shocked. This hypocritical speech of Amfilohije was as honest as Mark Antoine’s speech on the tomb of the killed Brutus in the Shakespeare’s play! Amfilohije again, Amfilohije is everywhere, wherever you go there is the inevitable Amfilohije, the Metropolitan, the politician etc. Such an Amfilohije who is everywhere reminds me of my aunt Jovana. Her husband died in Skadar on Bojana. She had one daughter and after she got married, Jovana stayed alone and her old days were unbearably long. She had chipped horned Zlatulja and she would sit and draw out wool into thread. People would say that aunt Jovana would always be at places where she should not have been! She would rather earn small amount of money at other people’s places than a ducat on her property. May she rest in peace!

When the People’s Party participated in the Government of Montenegro, the relationship between the President of the People’s Party and the Metropolitan Amfilohije worsened till they completely stopped the communication because the Metropolitan was not consulted with regard to the choice of members of the People’s Party for Ministers in the Government. He realistically expected us to address him, because he thought that we appreciated the investment of his energy in the ideological context of the People’s Party. This termination of relations resulted in a breakdown of the People’s Party, i.e. in Bojović’s rebellion. The following happened. The municipal committee of the People’s party in densely populated Zeta called Monk Teodosije from Dajbabe Monastery to consecrate new Party’s premises. The Monk arrived, spread incense, water was brought to him for consecration, but before he started the ritual, he asked: ”Where is President Bojović“. When he was told that he arrived in the party of the President Kilibarda, father Teodosije did not want to hear of consecration of the premises. He turned his back without saying goodbye and left. When I heard of this, I wrote a letter to Mr. Amfilohije and protested because of such unprecedented act in Orthodox religion, at least on the territory of Montenegro. The letter from Amfilohije that I got as an answer follows:

“Dear Mr. Kilibarda, may God’s peace and good health be with you!”

Having returned from Greece, I am writing to you in relation to the consecration of the premises in Zeta. I ordered Abbot Teodosije from Dajbabe Monastery to carry out his priest duties with devotion. He informed me that men who asked him to consecrate the premises had not invited him to their homes until then for religious purposes and that he did not know them from church either. He had never seen them for communion on Sunday, or religious holidays as is done by all the Christians. This led him to doubt that they needed church just for party interests and not for the God, for the salvation of their souls. This was the reason why he acted the way he did. Therefore, the reason was not that they were from People’s Party, or some other party, but the reason was based on his Priest’s principles. I wish you all the best. Sincerely,

Cetinje, 19 February, 1998                                                                                            Amfilohije,

The Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Coast”

I could hardly believe my eyes when I read Mr. Amfilohije’s letter! The Metropolitan was supportive of the decision of a local priest not to convert non-believers into believers. And ever since ancient times, church was happy when sinners were converted into penitents, non-believer in believers, when they were, on a daily basis, in the service to their congregation. A man can ask from a priest to consecrate his house on one occasion, then his valley on the other or the hill on a third occasion. In this way the priest will earn money from the mentioned services and it is good for church that a believer is so devoted to faith. It was on purpose that I mentioned that Zeta is a municipality with tens of thousands of people, densely inhabited. Now imagine a highly intelligent monk from Dajbabe Monastery who knew the faces of all the people in the area so thoroughly. Did this spiritual person absorb more in liturgy or he studied, in a manner of a sculptor or police officer, the physiognomy of believers who in fear from God listen to his liturgy. I remember the first verses of the poem Monk by Đuro Jakšić: “I was looking at you worshiping / When you cheated on the God alive”.

When I received the above letter, I went to Cetinje to Metropolitan Amfilohije. We spoke face to face. I told him:

–        Mr. Metropolitan, You are directly in conflict with the fifth church command!

–                   What command, Mr. Kilibarda?

–        I, i.e. the People’s Party whose President I am, belong to the authorities. We have two ministers in the Government of Montenegro. You flagrantly interfere in the politics being against the People’s Party whose leader I am, and the fifth church command clearly states that you have to pray for the authorities.

–                   Novak, I am not aware of that command!

–                   Please pass me the calendar.

The Metropolitan handed me the calendar, which can be bought at any church stall. I opened it and found, understandably, first God’s commands, and then the ten church commands. The fifth one was to pray for those who are the authorities.

Mr. Metropolitan did not comment, obviously unhappy because he didn’t confuse me. I know that what I am saying is almost unbelievable, but what I am confirming now was published back in 2001, in the book of Slavoljub Šćekić, Kilibarda, a confession on the decade which changed the look of Montenegro. Amfilohije did not react.

Amfilohije interfered in the work of the People’s Party when I moved away from Greater Serbia unitary course, even imposing himself as an adjudicator. Once, two members of the People’s Party from Tivat called me, both of them being members of the Main Committee. They said that my indolent attitude towards Serbian people cannot be tolerated any longer because Turks from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Ustashe from Croatia were going to kill them all. These two “patriots” told me that they were going to Cetinje to talk with H.E Amfilohije about my irresponsible attitude towards the Serbian issue. I agreed with Serbian enthusiasts from Tivat to meet with them and Mr. Amfilohije in Cetinje. It was already dark when I got to Cetinje. Linden scented, stars were in the sky, and there was a black cloud right above Lovćen. There was no town noise, little owls did not start their night call; there was a dog in front of the Monastery. The two patriots from Tivat were sitting with the Metropolitan. I remembered, one of them was a priest’s son who was a communist spy in religiously complex Tivat. As always, with a good host, we started talking with good grape brandy. I said:

–        Please, Metropolitan is here as well, what is it that you have to say?

Then the priest’s son started waving his arms furiously saying that our brothers in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia were in such a position that Alija’s Turks and Tuđman’s Ustashe were killing them. They were burning their houses, raping their wives, sisters and daughters, destroying holy Serbian temples and cursing them! In particular in Dubrovnik, Orthodox believers and Serbian brothers were killed by Pope’s tiara and Catholics, while, unfortunately, the People’s Party, Serbian and Orthodox, did not have enough strength and omnipotence to have at least one squad of Serbian soldiers who would help our Serbian brothers!

At a recent meeting of the Main Committee of the People’s Party, the priest’s son from Tivat was also saying that a big danger is threatening Serbs from mean Catholicism in Kotor and that something must be done in that area by the People’s Party. I have asked the worried Serb from Tivat how many of those proselytes there are in Montenegrin coast, how many of those that threaten St. Sava’s Serbian Orthodox believers. The priest’s son said that there was two to three percent of the Latin evil. I have told him to greet them from me and to congratulate them if their two or three percent can convert our ninety-seven Serbian percent! There was some laughter, and he rolled his eyes and snapped his fingers. But, let us go back to Cetinje talks, in the residence of Metropolitan Amfilohije.

The worried member from Tivat continued with the same flamboyance. He said that something must be done. As elite examples he mentioned voluntary squads from Serbia who unselfishly helped threatened Serbian brothers in the area where Muslims and Catholics were hunting them! He raised his voice, his neck veins got swollen; the Bishop poured him more grape brandy. The other member from Tivat rolled his eyes from Amfilohije to his anxious colleague, skipping me, his glass of brandy was almost full. In order to stop the patriotic speech of the first one, and nodding of the other Serb from Tivat, as well as the Metropolitan’s unpleasant penetrating gaze at me, I said that I had a concrete solution:

–                   The two of you, you P. T. and you N. M. are young and healthy people, I know you are well off with job, with no problems at home. You should form, as soon as possible, one squad of Serb patriots and soldiers and go to the battlefield to protect threatened Serbs from Turks and Ustashe. With your own examples initiate Montenegrin St. Sava’s Serbs to massively join you in defense!

Things got serious after that! The two Serbian patriots looked at each other, and then at Amfilohije! They looked fiercely at each other and pleadingly at the Metropolitan, who did not move his eyes away from me. The brandy glasses were there, the brandy from the bottle would not be emptied. Then one of Serbian patriots started talking, complaining that his wife was not well lately, the other one said that he could not leave the managerial position, the first one mentioned health problems, the other one followed by explaining budget problems at home. Their mouth got dry, they struggled to find excuses. After that silence, Amfilohije said that we were all obliged to help our miserable Serbian brothers in Bosnia and Serbian part of Herzegovina and in particular in the old town of Dubrovnik which was usurped by Croatian Catholics. In the time of Tsar Dušan there were no Catholics in Konavle, there were only “pure Serbs” there who were fully protected by powerful Tsar Dušan. It is our duty to provide all the conditions for the Serbs in Konavle, he said.

Then I got up and left without saying goodbye, leaving them to grieve for their endangered Serbian brothers.

With exclamations that were often heard that he was enthroned in the St. Petar of Cetinje’s seat, Mr. Amfilohije precisely stressed his belief that it was God’s will and his historical obligation to be in charge of state and political affairs of Montenegro. He was brutal as a politician, and Montenegrin official authorities were not capable of warning Mr. Amfilohije of the facts that eighth graders with average grades in History at elementary school are knowledgeable of. There was no one to tell him that with the arrival of Danilo Petrović to the throne of Montenegro, theocratic rule was ended in this country. The Montenegrin Prince accepted the secular rule, and the Montenegrin Metropolitan was devoted to holy liturgy and church jobs. In addition to that, we should point out that the last signature of acceptance of the choice of Metropolitan in Cetinje was given by the Prince, i.e. King Petrović. These facts are unknown to Mr. Amfilohije who would be better for a position of the Minister of Police than for the position of the Metropolitan, as renowned church and religion theorist Mr. Mirko Đorđević pointed out. Therefore, Montenegrin official authorities are not capable of referring Mr. Amfilohije to Montenegrin laws from the time of principality and kingdom of Montenegro, in which the relations between church and the state, as well as the autocephalous status of the Montenegrin church are clearly laid down. No one dares to publicly tell Metropolitan Amfilohije that in the past Montenegrins would overthrow from the throne the Metropolitan who did not act in the interest of the people. To be honest, Amfilohije Radović’s turning into a Machiavellist politician is comparable to the incapacity of the official authorities to constitutionally protect Montenegro from brutal clerical assaults. The heaviest of all the blows was the placement of iron church on Rumija and the beatification of war criminals from Pljevlja.

The western world had spent centuries before they gave their church, as a spiritual institution, an adequate place in the society and the country. It is unthinkable to have the head of church, from, for example, France, interfering in the politics nowadays. We are all knowledgeable about the names of Chirac, Shredder, Blare and Bush, but not many know the names of the main clerical persons from France, Germany, Great Britain and the USA. There is no way that we can know of them unless we are their cousins, because they stay away from the political publicity. However, nowadays the name of Metropolitan Amfilohije is exclusively internationally present. Pontifex maximus from Rome can envy him! In caricatures of ingenious Korax, Amfilohije often takes the central place. However, Metropolitan Amfilohije is not to blame for his hypocritical presence in the politics. Civil authorities in Montenegro should be blamed for calmly watching, contrary to the Constitution, the clericalism on the political scene and the disintegration of multiethnic and multi-religious corpus of Montenegro. If politicians wanted to, they could use clerical assistance because this is not forbidden by the Constitution, but in the civil state political clerics are constitutionally banned from engaging in politics. This is not the case when it comes to Montenegrin political scene with Amfilohije having the major role on it.

On the Great Saturday in 1997, the extraordinary meeting of the People’s Party took place in Podgorica. It was after Bojović’s political revolt, i.e. Greater Serbia political revolt which had been planned in Belgrade and carried out in Tivat, when the federal Minister of Justice Zoran Knežević wiped out “Kilibarda’s party” from the state register of political parties and registered the newly established Bojović’s Serbian People’s Party. We did all we could to have as a guest at the General meeting of the party at least Amfilohije’s local rector from Podgorica, but it was in vain. We needed Amfilohije’s representative in order to alleviate the hurricane of charges that we were anti-Serbs and anti-Orthodox. Not only that “Kilibarda’s” party was inconvenient for Amfilohije now, but a mere thought of his representative sitting together with liberals of Montenegrin “separatist” Slavko Perović, American delegate Bob Norman, the “servant” of the West Vesna Pešić, and Albanian politician Ferhat Dinoša, was repulsive to him! Amfilohije did not come to the General Meeting of our party and this was interpreted by Milošević’s orchestra in Montenegro as an anathema for Kilibarda and his betraying party.

After the General Meeting, in accordance with the customs, and in accordance with the Articles of Association of the People’s Party, the newly elected committee of the People’s Party went to Monastery Ostrog to take an oath. St. Protector of the party is the St. Basil of Ostrog, miraculous saint of great importance in Montenegrin religious consciousness that is celebrated on 12 May.

We arrived at the Lower Monastery in Ostrog. Thirty of us asked the monk that was there to take an oath before him. He said with fear that he was very busy and told us to go in the Upper Monastery. We kept our temper in view of the circumstances and went to the Upper Monastery, where relics of the saint are kept, asked the monk named Joil to perform the oath ritual. He angrily answered:

–                   Get out of this holy place, you sinners! You joined the Satan Slavko Perović, the enemy of Serbdom! Oaths are not for anti-Serbs and antichrists! Get out of my sight!

Amfilohije’s guard of the relics of the most authoritative Montenegrin saint Basil of Ostrog threw us out. And a month before that, one monk, before Metropolitan Amfilohije held the religious service for the schismatic Serbian People’s Party in Tivat. But, instead of anti-Serbian and anti-St. Sava’s evil ghosts that greeted “Kilibarda’s General Meeting“, Bojović’s general meeting, as the savior of Serbs, was welcomed by the most important politician of all from Belgrade, Mr. Vojislav Koštunica, and a small group of Montenegrins from Belgrade led by the poet of the heavenly Kosovo Matija Bećković, and historian of Draža Mihailović, Dr. Veselin Đuretić. Sing louder, Sing better / Kosovo is ours again!; General Draža’s guards are deployed everywhere from Topola up to the Ravna Gora! Genocidal lists of Serbian Montenegrins Mr. Koštunica took photos with in Brussels were not made the day before! Serbian-clerical offensive on renewal of Montenegrin centuries’ old nationality and autocephalous church started with Amfilohije’s arrival in Montenegro, which I had partially contributed to. The strategy of unitary advance is a constant, and tactics are diverse: silent, underground, scrupulous and straightforward, in a form of a cleric grinning at you, or in the form of the iron church from Rumija!

No one is as committed nowadays to the doctrine of Cuius regio, eius religio as Mr. Amfilohije Radović, the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, the Zeta and the Hills and Skenderia and the Holy Exarch of Peć! That is, the feeling that he is privileged in every way in Orthodox church and that he is courageous to interfere in all aspects of spiritual and political life of Montenegro is rooted in the fact that he is, although illegally, a sovereign ruler over a major part of church property which is, in accordance to the laws and historically, the government’s property. But, this doesn’t please him; he constantly has a need to keep proving his superpower. The way he does it is both, very transparent and covert, as we will illustrate. At the entrance in Berane he installed a cross which dominates the area, almost in the same way as the Catholic cross from the war dominates Mostar. Having a cross in multi-confessional regions such as the Berane means underestimating non-Orthodox citizens of Montenegro. These are the symbols that Amfilohije is deploying in Montenegro. The climax of this deployment of symbols was the placement of the iron bunker on Rumija which was built by Mr. Amfilohije with the help of helicopters of the Armed Forces of Serbia and Montenegro. It was well said by someone that such a marking of the territory reminds of animalistic and beastly urinary marking.

Once, my wife Milka, a Maths teacher from Serbia and a citizen not engaged in politics, went to Ostrog with her friends came back quite upset and insulted. While she was standing in the line to approach the relics of St. Basil, a monk came to her and started yelling that she could not be there:

–                   You are a wife of Novak Kilibarda who writes against the Serbian Orthodox Church and H.E. Metropolitan Amfilohije! You better go home!

Once, on 12 May, on St. Basil’s Day, I was in a line to approach the relics. In front of me there was a middle aged couple, I would say from Belgrade. The wife was humble and submissive and went to the saint with a purpose. When her husband made the sign of the cross, a monk turned up out of nowhere in front of him. A smell of sweat and squalor was felt around him and he was a perfect example of monks from the book of Dositej Obradović Life and Adventures. Squalor of the monk, i.e. a pupil of Iustinius and Amfilohije’s perception of the monk (in whitch human body is the realm of Satan), pushed the gentleman from Belgrade and shouted:

–                   That’s not the way you make the sign of the cross! You do not know how to do it, be ashamed of yourself!

The monk fell onto the ground and started kissing the soil as he made the cross sign in trance. The smell of squalor spread. The gentleman left the Monastery cell with his wife who was shaking and crying. I thought how this civilized gentleman would not come back to Ostrog again. I felt sorry for his wife who travelled all that way with sincere faith and big hope in the help from miraculous Saint Basil. On the first occasion I told Mr. Amfilohije about it and asked how could that be in Ostrog. He replied:

–        For the sake of God Mr. Kilibarda, don’t be so impetuous. That was a priest Žarković, and he is, you know, the cousin of Vidoje Žarković!

Č. V., a member of the People’s Party from its very beginning, told me that a priest from a church in Nikšić asked him while offering a communion:

–                   I hope you are not still into Kilibarda’s politics!?

Amfilohije and I met for the last time in Piperi’s and Bratonožići’s Monastery Duga, as he proposed. I was a Deputy Prime Minister of Montenegro at the time. The Democratic Action Party, represented by an ex-student of mine, Mr. Rifat Vesković, did not win parliamentary mandates in 1998 elections as they did not reach a census. Before that, at presidential elections they voted for Milo Đukanović. As Vesković’s party could not be a part of the coalition To Live Better, formed by the Democratic Party of Socialists, the Social Democratic Party and the People’s Party entered the elections on their own and did not reach the census for a mandate at the Parliament. I thought that it would be a waste if Muslims, alias Bosniaks, a domicile population in Montenegro did not have representatives in the government. Talking to President Đukanović, I proposed that it would be a good political move if Vesković’s party would be granted several deputy ministers’ positions and that there should be two deputy ministers’ positions in the Ministry of Faiths of the Government of Montenegro: one for Muslims and the other for Catholics in Montenegro. Milo Đukanović immediately accepted my proposal and said that he would discuss this proposal with the Prime Minister Filip Vujanović. I did not mention to Đukanović the name of the current Minister of Religions in the Government of Montenegro, the philosopher and distinguished Njegošologist, Prof. Slobodan Tomović, but it was implied that I had in mind the fact the Mr. Tomović presents himself more as a supporter of Amfilohije Radović and his politics than as a Minister in the Ministry of all faiths in Montenegro.

My proposal, or a flirt with Milo, as it was called, that non-Orthodox faiths be represented in the Ministry of Faiths leaked in the public. O tempora, o mores! A Turk and a Latin in the Serbian Ministry of Faiths! May there be lightning and thunder! Through a Minister from the People’s Party, sincere Amfilohije’s flunky, I got a message from Metropolitan Amfilohije that he wanted to meet me as soon as possible in Dajbabe Monastery. I accepted the proposal but I did not want to meet with him in Dajbabe, whose abbot Teodosije had rejected to consecrate premises of the People’s Party in Zeta. (I forgot to mention priest Raičević who came as a true Christian, at the invitation of the members of the People’s Party from Zeta and consecrated their party’s premises. This is why Amfilohije fiercely and angrily criticized him, but he somehow got away without the punishment).

Then, Mr. Amfilohije proposed a meeting in Duga Monastery, and I accepted. Until then I did not know that this beautiful women’s Monastery existed at all. One of the nuns seemed to be Japanese, or it was just my impression. The head of the Monastery was a noble woman, with nice white hands, calm face and warm eyes. She was informed that Amfilohije was coming, and they prepared for a nice welcome with good meal, good grape brandy and first class wine “Vranac”. I was accompanied by two people from the party, the Minister, Amfilohije’s protégé, and a member, faithful to me at the time. We set off conventional conversation, helping ourselves with food and drink, while he delayed with getting down to the subject of the scheduled meeting. When we did not want to delay the tension and this allegedly friendly encounter anymore, Mr. Amfilohije said that he could not understand or accept my proposal to include representatives of Islam and Catholicism in the Ministry of Faiths of Montenegro headed by distinguished philosopher Slobodan Tomović! From Amfilohije’s creepingly and cunningly penetrating eyes I could see anger and contempt! Feeling at unease in front of the calm face of a nun who, having crossed her white hands, stood next to the table at which we were helping ourselves and enjoying the tastes of the food while our soles were tearing apart, I have snapped that my proposal was an expression of a firm attitude both of a politician and an intellectual, and that I will not give it up. I have added that I am entitled to this attitude also as a university professor who had been teaching multiethnic and multi-confessional groups of students for years and who had been researching the collective thought of the people expressed in oral literature, which gave rise to Homer, Firdausi, Njegoš… I precisely wanted to point out that he could not indoctrinate me, that my university lecturing and science are at least as much worth as his liturgy and canon law! I rose, coldly said goodbye to the Metropolitan, and left with my associates that kept silent in a humble way during our talk. Nowadays, they both steadily walk in Amfilohije’s clerico-political march visiting hills and fields from the sea to Morača, from Somina to Rumija. And not only do they walk in the unitary and anti-Montenegrin march, but are angry ominous knights in unitary clerical league which would soon turn into the eighth battalion which would not go empty handed. If Montenegro had been flattened with St. Sava’s cannonade, the two former zealous followers of mine and nowadays Amfilohije’s most important men would have receive the Reward of the Knight of Rumija! I hope that then they would have been be at least a little grateful to me, because I introduced them to H.E. Amfilohije (whose birth name is Risto), the Metropolitan of Montenegro, Zeta, Hills, fields, Skenderia and Exarch of Peć, Doctor of theology, poet, translator, polyglot who has known all languages, dead or alive, a traveler that Marko Polo could envy, and an orator at commemorations that Demosten can be jealous of! Tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis! We would say: Time builds forts along the coast; it builds them and destroys them!

Soon they would try to make it even with me from Amfilohije’s headquarters.

A member of the People’s Party I installed in Milo Đukanović’s Government begged Metropolitan Amfilohije to excommunicate me from Orthodox Church. This is what kind of an official he was, both mine and Milo’s. At the time the Democratic Party of Socialists was powerful and undivided, led by Momo and Milo, young and good looking velvet revolutionaries. Momo with neatly trimmed moustache was at the head of state and two meters tall Milo was at the head of the Government of Montenegro. They wanted to flirt a little with the democratization of Montenegro so they offered the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro and the People’s Party to take part in the Government with two ministers each. Mr. Slavko Perović and myself were yet to start coalition talks, which would later lead to People’s Concord, I won’t hesitate to say, a breaking point at the moment when Montenegro set off on the road to its independence and recognition of autocephalous church. Slavko Perović got misled and gave Đukanović’s Government two respectable ministers, renowned scientist Vukić Pulević and architect Burzan, a true gentleman. I adequately responded to sincerity of that invitation to enter the Government. I delegated a man who was only responsible only for interior design of party’s premises and another one that I could not find a position that he would be able to cover. One of those two party members and ministers kneeled before Amfilohije begging him to banish me from Serbian Orthodoxy. It seems that the educated Metropolitan estimated the degree of my agnosticism, deciding not to take canon measures against political believer. Some time later, a priest from Podgorica, a newcomer from Serbia, proposed my excommunication. Not even then did Mr. Amfilohije take the bait.

As a spiritual person, Mr. Amfilohije did not leave a positive impression on two women that I trust, both Orthodox Christians. When Mr. Amfilohije came to Nikšić for the first time, to talk to believers, several Serbian women, all of them teachers from Grammar School “Stojan Cerović”, the colleagues of my wife, went together with her to hear the Metropolitan. I am stressing that there are a lot of Serbian women in Montenegro that we married, most of us former students from the University of Belgrade. When I heard that there were threats that those who vote for the independence of Montenegro at Montenegrin referendum will be banished from Serbia (if Milo were to succeed with his referendum), I made a joke saying that, in that case, we will also send them a lot of grannies from Montenegro who were beautiful, young and educated ladies when they had come to Montenegro for the first time. Now Serbia can have them back as respected pensioners. This is a small joke of course, jokes make life easier. However, I asked my wife what was the impression that the Metropolitan left on her. She said that an acquaintance introduced her to the Metropolitan telling him whose wife she is. Then I asked her if she, as a citizen who is not into politics but respects Orthodox tradition, kissed Amfilohije’s hand. Reproaching, she answered:

– Maybe you can kiss a hand of a man with such a gaze and eyes, but I cannot!

Another lady told me a similar thing about Amfilohije’s eyes, much more knowledgeable in every sense than my wife, Nikšić Grammar school teacher. That other lady is Princess Jelisaveta Karađorđević, the daughter of Pavle and the granddaughter of Greek king, a citizen of America and a cosmopolitan. She arrived in Montenegro as a guest of the People’s Party. I had a pleasure to be in her company for several days. We went to Vasojevići, where her ancestors had lived, later we climbed Komovi. The Princess visited the centre for orphans in Bijela, Orthopaedic hospital in Risan and Metropolitan Amfilohije in Cetinje. She was impressed with taverns in Morinj, where she was wholeheartedly welcomed. My driver, Mr. Budo Razić, a known sportsman, handsome and attractive, was always at her service with his car. Understandably, I didn’t go with the Princess Jelisavea to Cetinje, because Amfilohije’s and my path had already parted. I asked the Princess about her impressions, and she said that she had a feeling of inexplicable pleasant brightness in Cetinje. Stories, legends, history and literature did have an impact on her. She said that she was cordially welcomed in the Monastery but that all “these beautiful impressions were disturbed by the gloomy look of Mr. Metropolitan’s eyes”, that she wanted to forget. She noticed Metropolitan’s “big hands”, that she also wanted to forget. Goodness, what a subtle lady. Even in her late years she could notice on a man details that she noticed in the luxury of her beauty and youth. Jelisaveta Karađorđević, unattainable princess among princesses, I thought.

During one of my frequent visits to the Monastery in Cetinje, Mr. Amfilohije was wearing a Montenegrin national cap. Silk black cloth was shining, ebony black, but with a prominent cross with firesteels on the red area. He would take it off if he knew how ugly it looked on him, I thought. It does not fit him, as folks would say. National caps, as part of a traditional national costume, simply define a man in terms of the garment worn. A garment can suit, or not, a cap can look extremely ugly, someone can look sad and someone can look as funny as a caricature! I do not know who was sadder in this case, Amfilohije’s head with the cap or the cap on his head. There are things in this world that our wisdom cannot interpret, oh Horace!

Metropolitan Amfilohije have introduced to Montenegro, or I should say – imported, some church customs which never existed through the centuries of Christianity in this country before him. He put up flags with firesteels, i.e. Serbian crosses, which haven’t been seen before, on many churches and monasteries. He places iron models of churches at crossroads; the one at the crossroads for Nikšić, Danilovgrad and Podgorica being the most conspicuous one. He posts huge crosses, such as the cross at the entrance in Berane from the south, thus provoking non-Orthodox believers. At a square in Nikšić, there is sculpture of a Virgin Mary whose features are not sourced in the Christian Orthodoxy before. Amfilohije gives names to some graveyards in Montenegro, like in Berane for example, which had not existed before. The interiors of Montenegrin churches have been constantly redesigned to the memory of St. Sava. I heard, but I wouldn’t swear on that, that one icon of the St. Petar of Cetinje integrated Amfilohije’s physiognomy. With conquerors evading in the past, the relics of the Saint Basil of Ostrog were moved out from the Monastery only for safety purposes, but Amfilohije took them out from the Ostrog Monastery whenever he wanted to, even outside Montenegrin borders, while the secular authorities of Montenegro lacked the capacity to stop him with an excuse that the Saint Basil of Ostrog was a very important person of Montenegrin history. In the same manner he should have been prevented from converting the island in Skadar Lake into a colony of nuns brought there from non-Montenegrin areas. He does not have the right in accordance with the civil or church law to privatize islands by turning them into church and military bases.

As the President of the People’s Party I got a New Year’s present from USA embassy, a picture made by one painter from Serbia. In the painting that I got, the artist painted two people, herself and Njegoš. However, the latter resembles Amfilohije rather than Metropolitan Petar II Petrović Njegoš. The artist painted the eyes, due to which my wife and the Princess Jelisaveta were awe-stricken. This is one of those things risky to interpret. Perhaps Amfilohije’s publicity in press, on TV, in caricatures and elsewhere somehow blocked the image of Njegoš’s face, which is not so aggressively present on daily basis. But why did the artist paint him next to her sensuality? Princess Jelisaveta too is knowledgeable about the depth of men’s eyes and was awe-stricken with Amfilohije’s. How come that it was me who get this that painting as a present?! I can’t know, my Horace, can I?

We talked about a session of Mr. Amfilohije in Grbalj, after a church ceremony in which he had taken part. A welcome reception was prepared as usual, people from Grbalj, descendants of Lazar “Grbljanović”, were good hosts on that occasion. After the meal and toasts, Amfilohije was given gusle to sing like Abbot Stefan in The Mountain Wreath. I listened to Mr. Amfilohije singing at many gatherings along with gusle although the way he holds it is comparable to the way in which he wears a national cap. This as well, my Horace, would be something I would not be able to interpret. When Amfilohije finished his performance with gusle in Grbalj, one of his hosts – strong supporter addressed him and asked:

– Your Excellency, will almighty God have religious education introduced in our Serbian schools so that our children will not learn, as we did, that a man evolved from monkey?

– My friend, every reasonable being knows that a man could not have evolved from apes, but I am afraid that there are those who evolved from foxes – replied the Metropolitan and Exarch of the holy throne in Peć.

– And who could that be? Some believers asked.

– Novak Kilibarda – His Excellency answered, which was followed with mocking laughter and clapping.

I spent a couple of days with Amfilohije in Switzerland. We went there to give lectures in religion and Serbian patriotism to our people in diaspora and our workers abroad. It was a time when Metropolitans and political leaders often travelled abroad to propagate Slobodan’s politics and get per diems from Serbs temporarily at work in heartless foreign world. I have been told that Amfilohije was not very happy to hear that I was travelling too; he preferred the one that I mentioned as a minister to go with him, the one who arranged the meeting with the Metropolitan in the Monastery in Dajbabe. He intervened that someone else should go instead of me but our people abroad who wished to hear their language and stories about their country wanted to listen to a chatty professor. We landed in Zurich. Mr. Amfilohije mentioned that a “reputable priest”, Serbian rector from Zurich will welcome us at the airport. We arrived and were cordially welcomed at the airport but the priest was not there. The next day I asked a nice man, a Serb called Savo the Bosnian, who was the priest that the Metropolitan mentioned. Savo told me that he was a sneak, ready to do anything, the worst kind of a man. He got married and divorced several times, and had Catholics’, Protestants’ and Uniats’ cassocks that he used to serve anyone willing to pay. I told Amfilohije later that the priest he mentioned is a terrible person in the priest’s cassock. He snapped at me:

– For God’s sake Mr. Kilibarda, if a priest is not good, his prayer is!

I already pointed out that I have never met a man who would exchange opinions with Mr. Amfilohije. He likes to be listened to, and not to hear other person’s opinion, even if his interlocutor could not be more well-meaning. Would it not be normal for him to talk to me about the relation of a civil type of a priest and his spiritual responsibilities? I wanted to hear his attitude on the problem: is a priest morally and spiritually obliged to harmonize personal life with church attitudes he is professing? You can only imagine the way Amfilohije would discuss this issue with an ordinary rector if he was not willing to exchange a few words with his fellow traveler, with whom he holds lectures on equal grounds to Serbian diaspora. Poor communists were right when they said that clerics stultify masses, without realizing that they too in clerical way stultify masses they led to a “happy future”. No wonder that priests refer to believers as a flock of God, and to the Christ as God’s lamb. Amfilohije may regard you as a four year old ram in the God’s flock but there’s no way he will discuss about it with you.

Never before the enthronement of Mr. Amfilohije Risto Radović in Cetinje Monastery had Montenegrin believers kissed the soil when entering church, nor had they knelt when a priest told them to do so. We have always had “vertical” Christianity in Montenegro, without chairs in temples. In the film Šćepan the Little, scenarist Ratko Đurović, a connoisseur of Montenegro, and an inventive producer Stojanović, realistically depicted a typical Montenegrin priest from old classic Montenegro. I remember this detail from the film. A priest leaves his musket in a corner of the church while he serves liturgy in church. In-between chanting sequences during the service, a priest would listen to what is happening outside and would look at his musket to make sure that no one steals it. This is the truth of recognizable Montenegrin vertical Orthodoxy. Priests like Mićo from the Mountain Wreath were much more common in Montenegro than Abbot Stefan. It is Njegoš’s warrior Orthodoxy. That order has existed for centuries. A believer enters a church having made the sign of the cross. He or she goes to the holy table where there is an icon of the priest that church has been devoted to. He makes the sign of the cross, kisses the icon, makes a small donation, makes the sign of the cross again and attends the liturgy standing during the service. Amfilohije has now introduced the custom that believers fall down on their knees or that a believer touches the ground at least three times. Once when we were in Somina for the consecration of the foundations of one church, during the liturgy Mr. Amfilohije ordered his congregation to kneel down. A man with a walking stick surprisingly looked at me and asked:

–        Why do we have to kneel, Professor, for God’s sake!? We have never done it before. May God and St. Basil of Ostrog help me!

This is how we got Orthodox extremists in Montenegro, who do not harmonize their rituals with common rituals which have been here for ages, just like Wahhabi Islamic extremists in Bosnia who do not harmonize their rhythm of bowing in a mosque with that which has lasted since Mehmed el Fatih.

Njegoš lifted Montenegrins “up among the sun rays to the sky”, while Metropolitan Amfilohije brings them down to the chthonic worlds. He holds on to the mountains, he arranges the placement of tin containers with a cross with the military’s help, in places which can be reached only by climbers and in the summer, while believers, old and ill, who sincerely go to church, in a village or in a town, are taught to go down on their knees and kiss the ground. Bosnian Muslims get upset when Wahhabi extremists disturb the traditional way of bowing in mosques, just like Montenegrin Orthodox believers get upset when Amfilohije usurps church ritual which has been based on customs. However, this is not the end of Amfilohije’s reform of Montenegrin Orthodoxy. People with elementary knowledge of Orthodox religion know that one of the holy secrets is baptizing. Marriage, baptizing and requiem have become believer’s spiritual source of life. For a true believer these are deep experiences. A marriage connects two people into one being. Baptising of a newly born makes a link between biological and spiritual being. Requiem, with priest’s chanting, scent of incense and candle light, makes way from a deceased to the other world. All these three illusions give more meaning to everything. Truly, one should envy true believers for whom a noble illusion of earthly secrets is like a remedy for wounds.

I remember celebrations from my childhood in houses which cherished tradition in my Banjani when a child is baptized. Everything in the house is prepared for a happy celebration. Cousins arrive, as do neighbors with whom the house which organizes celebration is in good relations. They all get dressed up. Food and drinks are prepared, not in great quantities, not for a feast, but rather moderately. Two holy conditions are to be met on that day in the house: icon of the saint patron on the wall and the presence of a godparent who is seated in a chair particularly placed by the warm fireplace. Priest’s cassock, his chanting voice, scent of incense, holy water, mirror, and dark green ritual oil, mingle with the speechless happiness of the parents that their child is baptized. This celebration is remembered by parents forever, and a newly baptized child will remember it too from the stories about that day which will be told by the parents when a child is grown up. The celebration of baptizing a child would be given more importance than his birth in Montenegro.

This is what Mr. Amfilohije did to the holy secret of baptizing in Montenegro. I am going to describe only two cases that I witnessed. Once we were in Vasojevići at the consecration of the foundation of a church in the village P. There was a noisy stream with thick forest surrounding it close to the foundation of the temple that was consecrated. Mr. Amfilohije read from a piece of paper names of children and youths that were to be baptized. He read their names and told them to go barefoot into the water. There were about fifteen children. Godparents stood around the Metropolitan. Children stepped into the water. There was a teenager among them, his upper lip revealing the first signs of manliness, he was looking at a young woman with nice oblique who also stepped into the water in order to be baptized. Her white skin would attract even Branko Radičević. Well bread young Vasojević, in line with his tribal genetics, could hardly control his anatomy in jeans provoked by a young woman with her white tan. Young Vasojević was looking at her, looking forward to the end of the holy act of baptizing. He is delighted with vegetation around the stream too, where it is nice to cool down, it is particularly nice for young people whose emotions are coordinated with their body. Metropolitan Amfilohije baptizes them all at one expense, and I remembered ancient Russian Prince Vladimir Sviatoslavich who by the end of the tenth century Christened Skits and Slovenian vassals. Byzantine priests consecrated the source of the river, for example the one of Dnjepar, and the Prince’s servile supporters forced hundreds of thousands of people into the water which arrived from the refreshing source. A saying I am baptizing him and he breaks wind probably originates from that time! That is why we shouldn’t say that events from the past cannot be reincarnated. Amfilohije can be proud that he continues the practice of Russian Prince Vladimir Sviatoslavich (958 – 1015) with the form of massive baptizing in the flowing water.

I was at a church in Šaranci, that Patriarch Pavle from Belgrade came to consecrate. Metropolitan Amfilohije and other Metropolitans and priests took part in the service too. I was a godfather to five adults and one child at the same time. Amfilohije read their names from a list and said christening words and I did my part. I don’t remember the names of adults, I just remember the name and last name of the child and one adult. The child was from the house of my acquaintances – Ćorović family, and the adult was my former student Raonić. At the time it was popular to baptize, and Mr. Amfilohije wanted to baptize everyone and introduce them to a new form of religious behavior. Now we can compare classical baptizing in Montenegro with the baptizing that I have just mentioned in Vasojevići i Šaranci, and we will easily see the kind of Orthodoxy that is established by Mr. Amfilohije in Montenegro, country “made of rocks and Serbian crown jewels”! In my Banjani, in the cattle area, under the stars, while they were populated, there were often cases of incest between cousins, like in other places in Montenegro, and elsewhere, but nobody remembers the case of erotic closeness with the godparent’s family. A godparent is a person who will contribute to the reputation of the house that invited him to be a godparent, and when you would pass by the godparent’s property you would say “God bless”. This is how it was in pre-communist period in Montenegro, which is renewed by Mr. Amfilohije by changing its form compared to its original one, as much as Tito’s Marxists and Leninists moved it away from the people. Communists suppressed it and Mr. Amfilohije mocks with it.

When I was convincing the Metropolitan from Banat, Mr. Amfilohije, that it would be good for Montenegro if he came to the throne of Cetinje Monastery, I thought that he would harmonize canons with customs in the Montenegrin Orthodox religion. Especially, I believed that such an educated Metropolitan would, with the manner of his religious behavior, have influence on Montenegrins in a way that they did away with communist atheism. But I was wrong. For true religion and commitment to God’s commandments the spirituality is needed rather than being knowledgeable, literate and polyglot. In his novel The Bridge on the Drina, Ivo Andrić describes priest Nikola who, with his eyes, sheds Godly light on people. In his story The People of Osat, this is how he describes another Orthodox Metropolitan: “A Metropolitan who got old fast was not only ill-tempered and a nitpicker but truly mean and revengeful, a person who was, through his aging, only capable of hating. In front of his inner eye, in his mind, he saw a map of his diocese with ominously circled parishes with a rector that the Metropolitan was not on speaking terms with and who is to be hated and pursued, always, with any means and on any occasion. These vividly marked places on an imaginary map always blinked in front of his eyes, even during the church service, even in his dream. (…) The Metropolitan is — there is no point in hiding it — an old perjurer, heartless man with no soul and capable of destroying this parish, only to feed his maliciousness.” On the other hand, Andrić says that priest Nikola had soothing eyes not much of an erudite but with precious soul. For God’s Sake, Jesus did not hold a Ph.D. degree and was not a polyglot! Montenegrin Metropolitan Danilo Dajković, Amfilohije’s precedent, did not boast of anything but Christian-Montenegrin dignity. He acted in accordance with Montenegrin customs. With his departure from Cetinje Monastery throne, even the imitation of the epoch of Montenegrin Diocese that has practiced through centuries as a sparkle of freedom and vertical Orthodoxy discontinued. There was not a single Montenegrin Metropolitan who was faultless, some had to many faults, but those that have entered the collective mind of Montenegrin people were those who worked but who were dreamers too. However, as I have said, we can retrieve what we used to have. We have learned from Maxim Gorki that living means hoping.

When Amfilohije’s spokesman, rector Nikčević, called me a communist convert, I remembered a conversation we once had. Patriarch of Moscow and Russia Mr. Alexy arrived in Belgrade. A ceremonious lunch was prepared in the hotel Metropol for a high guest from Russia and the suite that gathered in his honor. At the head of the table, and the table was in the shape of the cross, there were Russian and Serbian patriarchs, a squad of bishops and Prince Tomislav Karađorđević. There were presidents of political parties at the table as well, in line with the will of Serbian Patriarchate, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and Slobodan Milošević. I was honored, as a head of pro-Serbian political party from Montenegro, in the name of presidents of the political parties that were there, to hold a welcome speech at the lunch. I did it. Afterwards I sent the text of the welcome speech to Amfilohije for his magazine Svetigora whose editor in Cetinje is rector Nikčević.

Several issues of Svetigora were published; not a sign of my text! I enquired over the phone with cleric Nikčević what happened with my text, and he answered with regret that it got lost. He explained this pretending to be sorry, but not asking for another copy. I did not have a clue why Mr. Amfilohije did not want to publish the text of my ceremonious speech in honor of Russian Patriarch. Perhaps he estimated that it would be assigning too high value to this act, or he minded the focus on Montenegro in my speech. I am not saying that Montenegro was damaged by the fact that my speech was not published in Amfilohije’s Svetigora, I am just pointing out the fact that Metropolitan Amfilohije controls everything, even such small things. The position of the Minister of Interior in some non-democratic state would adequately fit him. However, his promptness is sometimes ridiculous. Thus, baptizing a French vagabond in Rumija and naming it Jovan Vladimir, when Mr. Amfilohije consecrated the iron contrivance with Orthodox cross, is not only a ridicule of political and clerical ambition of Mr. Amfilohije, but a tasteless mockery with the name of a historical person who has integrated in the patriotic spirit of Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim believers in the area dominated by mountain Rumija! Prince Vladimir was neither Orthodox nor Catholic, but Christian, and for almost eight hundred years a legend about him also inspired the spirits of ancestors of nowadays Muslims, for example from Mrkojevići, who converted to Islam in the seventeenth century. In the oldest Montenegrin literary work of prose, Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, from twelfth century, there is a legend of Prince Vladimir and his wife Kosara. Therefore, this work makes Doclean Prince Vladimir a joint historical and legendary heritage of expressly multi-confessional Montenegro. Mounting of Amfilohije’s lamina-church on Rumija was a stab with a bloody knife into the multi-ethnic being of Montenegro and it shook the very foundation of multi-confessional spirituality of the area above which Rumija proudly rises. This religiously complex region of Montenegro, the area of Bar and Ulcinj, did not experience religious interfering as the north of Montenegro did. Bar and Ulcinj regions did not have anything like Šahovići massacre, and have remained pathless for Avro Cemović and Pavle Đurišić. It seems to me that the spirit of legendary Prince Vladimir, who was killed by Jovan Vladislav 38 years before the split of Christianity to Orthodoxy and Catholicism, and many centuries before his compatriots converted to Islam, prevented religious bloody turmoil like in the north of Montenegro. Amfilohije stopped the ceremony of multi-confessional bringing Vladimir’s cross up on the top of Rumija (although that tradition lasted for centuries) by placing an iron church in 2005. Current authorities in Montenegro should have been much more attentive with regard to clerical-military talks and persons that demolished spiritual unity which has lasted for many years in a religiously complex coastal and Rumija region. However, it was said long ago that post mortal cannonade is not so pleasant for those who die in fear!

Mr. Amfilohije Radović is, in a way, a tragic personality in Montenegro. If Desanka Maksimović was alive she would seek an amnesty for him. I heard that he left Morača at the age of 13, after he finished elementary school. They say that his father was a respectable man in a prestigious brotherhood and epic tribe. Even in the most difficult days of communist rigidity, he was a person to be looked up to as a Christian and believer. In those times only a sturdy person could take his minor child to a monastic school to the monastery in Rakovica near Belgrade. Risto completed monastic school there, and then the Theological Faculty in Belgrade. Then he went to study visits in Switzerland, France and Vatican.

Mr. Amfilohije spent several years as a rector in Greece, where he would often visit Hilandar and the Holy Mountain. He also wrote his prestigious doctoral thesis in Greek and defended it in Athens. When we stayed in Switzerland, I asked Mr. Amfilohije which language he spoke best: English, French, German, Russian, or Italian. He replied that he spoke Greek as if it was his mother tongue. Legend about him, which started after his arrival at the throne in Cetinje Monastery, was very much based on the propaganda about his polyglotism. Saint Petar did not know so many foreign languages, nor did Metropolitan Rade or king Nikola, nor anyone since the time when God made Montenegro from the rocks! There was no one then, not even me who took part in the propaganda, to explain people that knowing many languages does not imply wisdom and morale. We were overwhelmed by the fact that Amfilohije is a polyglot, and no one has wondered why receptionists in prestigious hotels were not equally ingenious, most of them being fluent in several languages. Receptionists, stewardesses, and translators speak foreign languages, but on the other hand those like Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Aeschylus, Sophocles and Phidias spoke only their mother tongue. Poor Homer and Old Milija could not speak a single foreign language. But let us get serious: Bishop Amfilohije is really tragic because he invested his capital of pedigree, intellect and position in the wrong bank. If he invested what he had in favor of Montenegro, he would not have to waste his time proving that he was seated on the throne of Petar I and Petar II; this would come naturally in the context of Montenegrin history. Since it does not seem likely that Šešelj’s idea of Serbia from Ogulin to Solun, in which Serbs of Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim religions will all be like one, would ever come true, Mr. Amfilohije will stay on the margin of history along with the names of those without visions.

If you leave Montenegro when you are 13, and come back as a mature man, it means that during your intellectual, moral and professional process of maturity you did not live the life of your country. If a Montenegrin mother gives birth to two monozygotic twins and if one of them is immediately sent to China to stay there till his matured years, once you bring him back and introduce him to his identical twin brother it will be an encounter between a Chinese and a Montenegrin, sharing just the same figure and facial features. Spiritual constellation is different as much as China with a billion and three hundred million people is different from Montenegro having hardly over half a million people. I remembered a joke. Milo Đukanović went to a state visit to China. During the talks Chinese President asked him how many people are there in Montenegro. When a two meter tall Montenegrin replied, slanted eyes Chinese asked in which hotel they stayed!

Three people who haven’t matured in Montenegro – Amfilohije Radović, Momir Bulatović and Matija Bećković, have damaged it a lot. Bećković and Bulatović were not even born in Montenegro. If Momir Bulatović was by any chance an American resident, he could never be a President because someone who is not the “Natural-born citizen” of USA cannot be the candidate. Matija would not have any problems whatsoever in teaching Americans how to chase each other! I have the right to say this because I was born and have spent my lifetime in Montenegro. It is understandable that I am not saying that birth certificate is a guarantor of wisdom, morale and intellect. My personality and my work may be assessed by the citizens of Montenegro, as transparently as I assess the character and work of a monk and politician, Mr. Amfilohije, the Metropolitan of Montenegro, Littoral, Zeta, Hills, Skenderia and holy Exarch of Peć.

Instead of a conclusion I am repeating my proposal, which I have made long time ago in one television interview but did not get a reply. I am inviting Mr. Amfilohije Radović to have an conversation with me in front of the cameras. The subject of the talk may be – Religious and national map of Montenegro in the Past and Present. I am not asking for any conditions except that a TV presenter is a conscious person. I am offering an alternative to this proposal. The talk may include Matija Bećković and Amfilohije Radović on one side, and just me on the other. I am only asking to have as much time for what I have to say as they both have. I accept that the two of them get questions in advance and I am not asking for that. If they both or one of them do not accept to have TV talk with me, I am asking them to say publicly why they reject my proposal. If I do not match them intellectually, professionally, morally, aesthetically, if my vocabulary, my perfume, my clothes or something else is a problem, they may freely say it. They don’t need to spare me. I accept my eventually accepted proposal to be realized at any TV channel in Montenegro.

WAR-POLITICAL CONNOTATIONS OF THE KOSOVO MYTH IN THE PAST AND PRESENT

It is still an open question whether there was a comprehensive oral-epic poem about the Kosovo Battle, the so-called lazarica, or if the myth on Kosovo martyrs is kept in some fragments of lazarica, i.e. in the Kosovo Cycle with poems about Kosovo which are included in Vuk’s second book of Serbian Folk Songs. Vuk Karadžić himself wondered, too, if the poems he collected were fragments of one decasyllabic epic organization or they were separate poems which came along with the common oral course through space and time, whose final form he wrote down on paper from a poet-chanter. However, the title Fragments of Different Kosovo Poems, as if unintentionally, expresses Vuk’s view that the poems are rather autonomous and separate, and not fragments originating from an encompassing lazarica. If he had in mind something else he would not have specified it as “fragments of different Kosovo poems”, but would have titled it as fragments from the epic entity, i.e. lazarica. Vuk paid great attention to titles. For example, a poem by Tešan Podrugović, which speaks of the marriage of Serbian Emperor Stjepan, he entitles The Marriage of Dušan, because it was clear from the contents that it was about Emperor Dušan. Since he knew that every Nemanjić had the name Stjepan attached to his ruler’s name, Vuk chose the title which was analogous to the historical contents of epic plot. Knowing that Karađorđe set off against Dahis with Sultan’s blessing and under the Turkish flag, Vuk does not title Višnjić’s poem as the rebellion against Turks, but very precisely – The beginning of the Uprising against Dahis. Generally, all the titles of poems that Vuk Karadžić published are very precise.

After Vuk, some researchers of oral epics got closer to lazarica theory, while others, like Stojan Novaković, even tried to make one which would include existing poems, but majority of researchers believe that one encompassing epic about Kosovo did not exist at all.

Oral epics about the Kosovo Battle in 1389 – bugarštica, octosyllabic epics and incomparably most numerous – decasyllabic ones, show that there were no socio-political and conceptual-emotional conditions which were a prerequisite for creation and survival of an oral poem about Kosovo that would follow the events ab ovo usque ad mala, i.e. that would chronologically and Homericly show the review of Kosovo events.

Numerousness of oral epics about Marko Kraljević, which followed him in continuo from his birth to his death, is analogous to the need of people to chant, during a long Ottoman rule, about a hero protector, a hero who substituted the daily interests of Orthodox believers in the Turkish Empire. Such Marko who was devoted to his people, had the marriage tax abolished, the tax which was imposed by this worldly oppressor. Such Kraljević attacked and killed greedy Janissaries. Marko listens to his mother Jevrosima and he make his decisions “in accordance with God’s justice”. The reality of such Marko’s protectionist behavior is justified by the fact that he is a foster son of the Emperor of Istanbul! He saves the Emperor’s daughter from dragons, he liquidates brigand Musa Kesedžija who hangs imams and pilgrims along the coast. Marko, Emperor’s foster son is forgiven everything: he drinks wine during Ramadan, he dances with ladies, he can step on “Emperor’s prayer rug”. Once, when he lost his temper “the Sultan went backwards and Marko followed after until he drave him even to the wall.”! But he never turned against Padishah or the state or Emperor’s laws; he would be both people’s protector and a vassal of Sultan. And when Marko was most outrageous, Emperor would pacify him with a handful of ducats – “Marko, go and have some wine!” In oral epic Marko Kraljević was a benefactor of Orthodox believers who did not suffer because of Emperor’s power, but because of local authorities, which sometimes ignored the Ottoman Emperor’s will and acted against the laws of High Porte. The relationship of the Emperor and Porte towards Orthodox believers was most precisely given by Filip Višnjić, which is also accepted by historical criticism. Višnjić’s Emperor Murat says at his death bed to viziers:

“I am dying, leaving you the Empire;
Listen to my words with great attention:
That the Empire long may be your province,
Never be ye bitter to the rayah,
Be ye rather like kind-hearted parents;
Let the poll-tax be of fifteen dinars,
Let it at the most be thirty dinars,
Do not grind them down with fines and taxes;
See ye never make their life a burden,
Never meddle with their Christian churches
Nor their laws, nor trample on their honour.
Do not wreak your vengeance on the rayah (…)
Do not, by your treatment, make the rayah,
Fearing you, seek refuge in the forests;
Rather tend the rayah like your children,
Then the land will long be in your keeping”!

(TN: Rayah – A Christian subject under an Ottoman ruler)

Višnjić, therefore, in his epic, which includes the beginning of the rebellion against Dahis and brigands who do not abide by the Emperor or the Law and the turning of the rebellion into uprising against Ottoman empire, told historical truth which can be controlled in a positivistic way. Višnjić’s interpretation of history, which has a Homeric strength of witnessing, was accepted by historians, equally by Leopold Ranke and Vasa Čubrilović. Balkan countries easily went under Ottoman Empire because Balkan feudalism, during the dissipation of states, exhausted peasants and commoners much more than the Ottoman Empire did during their ascent as a conqueror. The fact that the epic image of a brigand (hajduk) fundamentally changed in the course of one hundred years, which can be verified by comparing poems included in Erlangen Manuscript from the beginning of the 18th century with those in Vuk’s anthology, shows that the Orthodox believer who is protected by Emperor’s laws was not fascinated by brigands’ feats, until the First Serbian Uprising, when “they would spring up like the grass from the earth”, i.e. when the poems turned brigands into knights. After all, Vuk Karadžić gave equally lapidary and analytical picture of hajduk banditry in the Serbian Dictionary. He says that there were less brigands in the environments where the Turkish rule was fairer, that some became brigands not because of Turkish oppressive power, but because of “attire and weapons”, and that both Serbs and Turks were after brigands-looters. Only the time of uprising will breathe the enthusiasm of liberation into the brigand rebellion, when the uprising against Dahis turned into a rebellion against Turks and when brigands from mountains joined the rebellion squads. However, nothing, not even poems about brigands chivalry, did away with their looting which does not make difference when it comes to religion. A brigand cares about money, not about religious auguries. Starina Novak watches on the roads from the highest mountain “the roads along which Turks and traders pass!”, especially traders. And when the rebellions in Topola were about to choose a leader of the uprising against Dahis, the main disadvantage of Karađorđe was that he was a brigand. Once you are a brigand, you do not stand a chance to be a prince; if Turkish authorities pardoned his violation of the law, the only thing he could become was a policeman. Impalement was the solution for those who could not be pardoned! A brigand did not have just a status of an opponent to the authorities, but of a criminal.

Thus, during centuries of Ottoman rule the Orthodox people created oral literature, poetry and prose, in accordance with their interests and their political profile. At the crossroads of such circumstances, the natural setting was created for the establishment of the character of Marko Kraljević, the protector of people, Sultan’s vassal, a setting in which there was no room for a fighter for freedom and Christian martyr Miloš Obilić. Vido Latković tried to prove that ideological and psychological setting was created in theocratic Montenegro for the character of Miloš Obilić, the hero from Kosovo without a fault or fear. But Latković relied more on the myth about Miloš from Njegoš’s Mountain Wreath, than on real facts, i.e. epic poems from Montenegro which would radiate Miloš’s achievements rooted in Montenegrin oral tradition. Not a single anthological poem about Kosovo and Miloš was written on Montenegrin soil. Boris Nikolajevič Putilov categorically says: “not a single Kosovo poem in Vuk Karadžić’s collection was written in Montenegro”. Even the anthological work of Simo Milutinović (or any other) does not prove that Montenegro was a chosen country for the myth about Kosovo! Anyhow, Miloš does not have an engaged role in the Cycle about Kosovo either, and what we know about his deeds is only from the stories of others, from what they were saying about him. Introductory poem by a blind Stjepanija The Fall of Serbian Empire gives a predestination and theological redirection of events as well Lazar’s profiles of a citizen and statesman that everybody looks up to. In Podrugović’s poem Emperor Lazar and Empress Milica, with a topic as precisely determined by the title, there are many places devoted to non-historical Jugovićs, and Miloš is just incidentally mentioned at the end. This poem is more about servant Goluban than about Miloš! In mentioned Fragments, famous knights that shine with glory are again non-historical Boško Jugović, Srđa Zlopogleđa, Toplica and Kosančić, Miloš is there just a cursed knight who is sure of his promise but at the end we do not see his feat! In other anthological poems in the Kosovo Cycle a family atmosphere was given in the character of mother of nine Jugovići and Kosovo Maiden. Therefore, in the Kosovo Cycle, except Lazar and Milica, we usually have only non-historical characters; it is more about life in relation to the Kosovo Battle than the Kosovo war tale. Therefore, classical epics about Kosovo, which have over a thousand lines, almost match with the report of Constantine the Philosopher who, about forty years after the Kosovo Battle spoke of “a benign husband” who attacked Emperor Agarjanin, but the biographer does not mention his name. Therefore, historical and social realities of Serbs under Turkish Empire did not leave room for Obilić’s martyr deed to be shaped as a central topic of at least one poem, and mentioning of his feat is only incidental. Before the culmination of the First Serbian Uprising, when the heroic epic and historical poem got its final artistic form, Serbian believers had not the initiative to be overwhelmed with Obilić’s deed – Marko Kraljević had been in the scope of their interests.

In Montenegro too, the setting was not in favor of the rise of the Kosovo Legend. Since the fall of the Crnojevići under the Turks by the end of the XV century, up to time when Turks were defeated in front of Vienna and the Karlovci Peace, when Russia started looking for its interests in Montenegro, Montenegrin members of brotherhoods and tribes also did not have an initiative to hold on to Christian martyrdom with Obilić’s heroic acts in Kosovo. Even the skirmishes between the Venetians and Montenegrins on the one side and Turks on the other were not written in poems. In the afterword to the Serbian Mirror, Njegoš wonders why the poems did not refer to the battles said to have occurred in XVI and XVII century. However, it is needless to wonder, there were skirmishes, there were even battles, but during these two hundred years Montenegrin collective consciousness did not start a decisive fight for liberation, and folk songs would not be about something that collective consciousness had not been intrigued by. Even Njegoš, in the Mountain Wreath, confirms that coexistence was achieved of Orthodox Montenegrins and those of them who accepted Islam. Hajji taught in Cetinje and in Ćeklići, Kadi’s seat was in Obod, Začir had a Turkish commander, Turkish town of Besac was in good relations with neighboring Crmnica! Cousins with two different religions went to battles together, their wives’ hairs would fall onto the heroic graves of the husbands they had lost. In the wedding party of Suljo, there are “almost half Montenegrin flag bearers”! In such a tribal and brotherhood milieu of the two religions, there is no place for martyrdom of Miloš Obilić.

And then, later, during the reign of Petrović dynasty, Montenegrin brotherhoods and tribes most often separately opposed Turks when there were conflicts. With regard to collective consciousness directed by Miloš’s feat we could speak of it only conditionally even in the most important moments such was the Battle of Krusi. Conditionally, for a simple reason that the Metropolitan-Ruler was not sure that all brotherhoods and tribes would come, as they would not. From all the characters in Montenegrin epics only Nikac of Rovin became famous as a hero of all Montenegro, all others only represented their tribes, i.e. brotherhoods. The curse of Petar I, which was rather a preventive measure, or executive power of Bishop Rade that cost life those who were more supportive of Skadar than Cetinje, are facts which stress that collective fascination with Obiilić’s feat in Montenegro was impossible.

Vido Latković, an important researcher of oral literature and Njegoš’s poetry, was convinced that Njegoš could so powerfully fit the Kosovo Myth in the Mountain Wreath with the function of liberation battle ideology the epic deals with, because the poet emerged from the folk tradition and oral literature just as a volcano from the ground! Theoretically, Latković could be right, but he did not take into account specifics which slip away from theoretical globalism. Namely, Njegoš is different from all those epic writers which had been prepared on the basis of previously created oral literature. It was not that Njegoš’s poetry emerged from oral literature like the opuses of writers of the Epic of Gilgamesh, Iliad, the Song of the Nibelungs, Rolanda, Sid, etc. Njegoš’s specific quality was that he lived at the same time as those who created oral epics. And then he had an additional specific quality – the fact that he read the poems of these illiterate contemporaries from anthologies which were welcomed by creators and artists such as Jacob Grim and Goethe! This is why Njegoš does not naturally emerge from the poetry that had preceded him, the way Homer does. Njegoš was into oral literary heritage just as much as Homer, but he looked at this natural literary heritage as a Bishop and statesman; we cannot talk about his poetic spontaneous relationship towards this oral literature heritage! Bishop, ruler, traveler around Europe, he read Puškin and Milton and translated Homer, when it came to oral literary heritage he addressed it within the scope of his education, his personality, and that scope has little to do with the scope of oral and illiterate poet-chanter who was often blind and a bagger. This is why it would not be too rough to say that Kosovo epic offered the writer of Mountain Wreath only an incentive for ideological intonation of the epic, which is Obilić’s Christian-heroic martyrdom. We should mention here that Bishop Vasilije Petrović in his History of Montenegro mentioned Kosovo martyr Obilić, not because he was overpowered by the tradition of Kosovo, which any traditional Montenegrin lacked, but because as a Bishop and writer of pseudo-history of Montenegro he was supposed to refer to this topic, primarily for the reason that history was intended to readers in Russian noble circles as well as of clerical persons. Bishop Vasilije bequeathed to Russia his tomb as well as his legendary history of Montenegro.

The Mountain Wreath and Šćepan Mali are full of associations to oral literature, but direct inputs of that literature in the substance of the mentioned works are visible too. However, as Nikolaj Velimirović noticed it, only God is mentioned more than Miloš Obilić in the Mountain Wreath! Therefore it turns out that tradition and oral literature of Montenegro is interwoven more in other parts of the Mountain Wreath than in Miloš Obilić who is mentioned in the epic almost as much as God! That is why Miloš Obilić in the Mountain Wreath is only Njegoš’s, and not Miloš from Montenegrin oral tradition. Anyway, until Tronoša Chronicle and work of Zaharije Orfelin and Vasilije Petrović, Kosovo martyr with exact name “Miloš Obilić” had not been mentioned. Remembrances of the assassin of Emperor Murat within Turkish chroniclers are unimportant for this discussion.

However, one question arises: who introduced the Kosovo Myth to Njegoš, who led him to this part of Serbian history that Montenegro has no connection to, and encouraged him to raise it up to the stars? Croatian troops participated in the Kosovo battle but Zeta’s did not! Who influenced Njegoš in the first days of his writing and gave it ideological and national poetic orientation? Historians answered these questions long ago. The crucial role was that of Simeon Milutinović, known as Simo Sarajlija – Serbian poet, writer, brigand, and translator, an extremely eccentric and controversial person. Nick name “Sarajlija” was after his home town, Sarajevo, where his father came from Serbia. In almost all the aspects of his life and work Sima was unstable, but had one prominent stable obsession – namely, as this was confirmed by Ljubomir Nenadović, he had “one constant goal which was to propagate so called Serbdom”. In 1827 he arrived in Montenegro, and he stayed there for several years. He became the Secretary of Petar I, who characterized him as follows in the letter to Jeremija Gagić: “I do not know of another Serb except for our kind Milutinović, who would agree more to live in Montenegro”. At the beginning of his stay Simeon wrote Tragedy “Obilić”. Many things become clear when we take into account that Milutinović was a tutor to young Rade Tomov, future Petar II Petrović Njegoš. Although there was a lack of order in his teaching, he had a great influence on this young man, who was eager to learn. Simo managed to determine permanently Njegoš’s attitude towards the national character of Montenegro and its history, in which mythological story of the Kosovo Battle, Obilić’s martyrdom and redemption of Serbdom, throws in the shade all Montenegrin cultural and historical heritage. The fifth act of Sarajlija’s drama Montenegrin Pride (1828) inspired Njegoš to write Mountain Wreath.

Miloš Obilić that was created in this manner in the Mountain Wreath would be, through the work itself, imported to the collective consciousness of Serbs and Montenegrins. And it was imported at a time when Serbia, in the form of autonomy and inherited principality, already enjoyed visible fruits of two uprisings while Montenegro was in an extremely difficult situation. Then, the vizier of Skadar, Osman-pasha Skopljak attacked the last Montenegrin islands in Skadar Lake, and the High Porte were getting ready to finally conquer Montenegro along with reforms they were going to implement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Omer-pasha Latas soon tried to do that. Thus we had a unique antinomy with regard to the Kosovo Myth. In Njegoš’s time, Serbia, that had lost the battle of Kosovo, could speak about Kosovo feat and about Obilić as of its past, and Montenegro, that did not take part in Kosovo battle at all, focuses on Kosovo martyr feat as on an event that we should look up to. And then the situation, which is historically very unusual, further unfolds. As if applying the “recipe” of Mountain Wreath, Serbia will assiduously remove from its territory all the traces of Islamic religion and Ottoman culture, which is something that Montenegro will not do after the Berlin Congress. If Prince Miloš Obrenović was literate, we could think that he diligently read the Mountain Wreath, and on the other hand, on the basis of the declaration that Prince Nikola sends “to brothers of Muhammad’s law” one could conclude that Mountain Wreath did not leave ideological and political traces on the state policy of Nikola I. Anyway, these Njegoš’s verses, i.e. messages from the Mountain Wreath, had not been previously traced in oral literature of either Montenegro or Serbia:

“Awesome symbols, the Crescent and the Cross;
their kingdoms are the realms of graveyards.
Following them down the bloody river,
sailing in the small boat of great sorrows (…)
Let the Cross and the Mace strike each other,
but woe to him whose forehead gets broken! (…)
Strike the devil and leave of him no trace (…)
Start tearing down your minarets and mosques (…)
What a bad stench from these Turkish turncoats!”

The Mountain Wreath written in decasyllabic epic for gusle chanting, deeply rooted in the ears of Montenegrins, was accepted by rare people who could read and by those who could not as well. In addition to that, Njegoš’s verses are easy to remember because the ruler, who was both strict and clever, wrote them. To remember Njegoš’s freedom-loving and anti-Turkish verses meant to be devoted and committed to the short-tempered Master. And popularity of the Mountain Wreath convinced Njegoš that his epic, in the best possible way, follows Christian idea which, so to speak, continued from the first Crusade onward. All the crusades and saint alliances, all genocide battles, such as those in Spain and Sicilia, in particular wars of Slavs, Russia and Poland, against Ottomans, i.e. the entire Christian anti-Islam warrior enthusiasm, was guided by a wish of all to banish the Turks from Europe! Njegoš was aware that he, with his anti-Islamic feeling in the Mountain Wreath, completely fits in traditional religious-war ideology of both the Eastern and the Western wing of Christ’s church. By engraving this ideology in collective consciousness of Montenegrins, which was achieved through the Mountain Wreath, Njegoš was much more successful than those before him. However, this precedence which had a positive ideological and historical trend in a time of wars for liberation of Montenegrin territories from the Ottoman Empire would have negative implications after the banishment of Turks.

The import of the Mountain Wreath, and the Kosovo Myth through it, into the masses had far reaching consequences at the educational level, in national and political, and particularly religious sense. One could say that tribal divisions in Montenegro and lack of unification in the most important moments, as a barrier for the state, had a final blow with the Mountain Wreath. The Clench written by Petar I and the struggle of Petar II with tribal and brotherhood separatism physically prepared Montenegro for the state unification, and Mountain Wreath gave it a unique spiritual cohesion. Ideology of Christian and martyr readiness was engraved in Montenegrin consciousness trough Mountain Wreath. This ideology, which Njegoš will pass to illiterate tribesmen, was prepared by him even before writing the Mountain Wreath. Bishop included poems, but not in accordance with aesthetic criteria, but rather on the basis of political, state and dynasty reasons in the anthology of decasyllabic gusle poems – Serbian Mirror! And he already developed supreme literal taste, poems written for the Mirror were not assembled by the author of Svobodijada and folk-like songs, but by the writer of The Ray of the MicrocosmThe Ray was published in 1845, and The Mirror in 1846. It was stressed in the science that Njegoš left out the poem about the death of Batrić Perović from Vuk’s collection (the chanter of which is not given the account of), which is much more successful than the version included in the Mirror. It was also stressed so far that Njegoš changed some poems that he processed for the anthology, and we could establish, with certainty, that the poem Sons of Obilić is his own.

In that poem the role that is given to Nikac of Rovin was unique at that time for Montenegrin epic, and that epic “is rather about history than literature” – as rightfully stated by Vuk Karadžić! Namely, Nikac attacks, on behalf of Montenegro, and not only his tribe, Ćehaj-pasha who got killed in Ubli in Čevo just as Murat got killed in Kosovo! Njegoš wanted to have a seed of Kosovo martyrdom planted in Montenegro through one short gulse poem, easy to remember and to chant.

With this poem, ritual reciting of sacrifices typical of Obilić martyrdom for the sake of freedom expressed in Mountain Wreath is more naturally experienced. The poet will publish the Mountain Wreath only a year after the Mirror. Nikac walks “with his chests out” to make a feat that will be “remembered forever!” This Nikac in oral poems, which were not ideologically and politically reviewed, is from Cuci who combines keeping cattle in Nenada mountain with attacks on Turks in the border area for the loot! The poem Vuk Tomanović from the Mirror illustrates the strength of agon between tribes and brotherhoods in Montenegro in border confrontations with Turks. Tribe troops and commanders of brigands had an ambush to attack Turks with herds of cattle. The first one to fire his rifle was Cuca, then Bjelica sabred, and the brigand from Čevo called upon the men from his tribe to preserve the reputation of the tribe:

“Oh my folks of Čevo, may your eyes not see Čevo again,
Cuca have already killed and Bjelica sabred!”

Never before the poem Sons of Obilić in Njegoš’s anthology had the glory of Montenegro been stressed in Montenegrin oral epics, but rather the glory of a tribe with feats that were achieved for its sake. With regard to this, as Vuk noticed, the history in Montenegrin oral epic prevailed over poetry! Even in the poem The Death of Nikac of Rovin, where we have Homeric unification of Nikac and Jakšar Babić, knight-shepherd of Rovin requiring warrior rewards from the town of Nikšić, as a compensation for his heroic supremacy. He asks for it from Hamza, the Captain, not on behalf of Montenegro or on behalf of the Ruler seated in Cetinje, but for himself and other brigands’ leaders from his tribe. By demanding the reward he does not provoke Turkish Empire or its religion. It is only that the hero from the border area on the one hand is challenging the town from border area on the other hand! The poem Sons of Obilić is however chronological and historical poem in decasyllable with the tone of a legendary poem such as the poems of the “oldest” and “middle” times, as Vuk called them. It has been pointed out in science, that in addition to Njegoš’s ideological and political motivation for anthological work – it is obvious that the Mirror reveals the sources that Njegoš leaned to while preparing to start writing the Mountain Wreath, carefully consulting them during the writing preparations. This fact has been blatantly confirmed by a direct influence of Višnjić’s poem The Beginning of the Uprising against the Dahis on the first Kolo in the Mountain Wreath, where people condemned the damned emperors who “divided into pieces” Dušan’s Empire! This is directly taken from Višnjić, it is understandable – this is the right of all epic poets who emerged from oral literature, which preceded the language they used for writing. Njegoš included Višnjić’s poems which are about the First Serbian Uprising in the Mirror, as well as the reminiscence of Old Fočo who, on the basis of the evidence from holy books, and heavenly circumstances – “in the clear sky above Serbia” – predicts that broken Turkish Empire will tumble down, which is not a novelty. The very same “heavenly circumstances” were above Serbia when the nobles threw down the government and the state and when ”they became unfaithful to the emperor!” As was the custom, Njegoš relied on folk literature, but unlike the writer of Iliad, he used oral literature that has been previously written down.

The Mountain Wreath was written in such a way that it quickly deeply engraved in the ear and spirit of Montenegrins. Supreme poetry and wisdom was something that rare readers or the masses of listeners could not resist, but they were more attracted by anti-Turkish i.e. anti-Islamic dense decasyllable epic which was awarded by the wisest of all masters. We should note that the term Turks meant both religion and politics for a member of a tribe. Tolerance towards Islam as a monotheistic religion which was widespread with its high culture this was something that could be thought about only by extraordinary individuals who were intellectually and educationally at a much higher level compared to ordinary Montenegrins. These people were rare, and the Mountain Wreath codified norms of behavior towards Turks and Islam for member of brotherhood who knew only about pashas and viziers who attacked his tribe and Montenegro. The authority of these norms was stressed by the ruler and the poet at the same time, and an incentive to accept norms was fostered by the fear from some new Ćuprilić, Ćehaj-pasha and Bušatlija who was to be expected.

By becoming a national experience, war and political connotations of the Kosovo myth which were politically shaped in the Mountain Wreath historically played a positive role in all the Montenegrin battles with Turks until the final withdrawal of Ottoman Empire from Montenegro. The Kosovo Myth and the Mountain Wreath are interwoven in feats of Grahovac, Fundina, Vučji Do and other battles with Ottoman Empire. The myth is offered as an ideology of those who will accept this piece of literature as a warrior and religious heritage. And this is the end of a positive mission of the Kosovo myth that was settled in Montenegrin consciousness by Bishop Rade.

Based on such a role of Kosovo martyrdom in Montenegro, Ivo Andrić concluded that Montenegrins have “Kosovo blood reflex” in their eyes. However, Andrić says it at a time of zealous Aleksandar’s Yugoslavian rise when Ivan Meštrović performed marble adoring symphony devoted to Yugoslavia through Kosovo temple, Obilić and Srđa Zlopogleđa. It is understandable, neither Andrić nor Meštrović could understand the inflow of “Kosovo blood” into the collective spirit of Montenegrins. Being carried away by the idea of Yugoslavism and blood connection of the king Aleksandar Karađorđević and Njegoš, creators of the highest rank – Andrić and Meštrović, gave more vent to their romantic personal note than to rationally controlled belief.

Yet, Kosovo mythology would not have been so fully integrated into the spirit of a nation, nor would it have replaced its positive historical profile with a genocide one, if the Serbian Orthodox Church had not taken things in its hands.

Absorbing the Montenegrin Orthodox Church in the Serbian Patriarchate in 1920, the Kosovo martyrdom was taken advantage of by the Karađorđević’s church as the most elite propaganda of the Patriarchate, which covers all Orthodox areas of Yugoslavia, in the state headed by the leader that Karađorđe’s and the Mountain Wreath’s author’s blood flows through! Orthodox Serbian ideologists, in the first place Nikolaj Velimirović, Gavrilo Dožić and Justin Popović, were authors of the propaganda that Serbs were heavenly people and closest to Christ because for several centuries they were crucified at the cross put up for them by Kur’an and the Turks.

Serbian Orthodox Church will raise Miloš Obilić, as a veteran and liberation divinity from the Mountain Wreath, to the level of Christ, as the martyr of the first order who will, struggling for Serbian freedom, win the title of a hero whose sacrifice is comparable to that of Christ. Such daily church apologetics of Kosovo asceticism was most impressive for the masses, and it appealed even to those who did not get hold of the Mountain Wreath. This propaganda encompassed those who were taught by church not to think critically about things that a priest from his alter is talking about! The believing congregation who is not able to distinguish art from historical and anthropological truths embraced local summaries of the Mountain Wreath and speech of the characters from the epic as if they were canons prescribed by Bishop Rade. Everything spoken by Orthodox characters in the Mountain Wreath was a part of the congregation’s everyday’s practice bible. Anti-Islamic strain which is evident in the Mountain Wreath was accepted as a poet’s supreme truth and moral and political instruction that cannot be objected to. Possible objection that Njegoš did not exactly mean it, was followed by the apodictic answer you are not smarter than Bishop Rade! Such a citizen cannot assess interference of concrete statement within the local summary of the epic or of the character who gives such a statement; everything that is said in the Mountain Wreath about Islam and Turks is said by Bishop Rade. And indeed, he is wiser than all the bishops and masters who have ever ruled on Earth! In accordance with such an understanding of the Mountain Wreath, Bishop Rade ordered: “The Crescent and the Cross” may “sail” only “down the bloody river”, one should “tear down minarets and mosques”, “hunt the leper from our fold”, “Let the Cross and the Mace strike each other”, “What a bad stench from these Turkish turncoats”, “let the true alter” rise “on blood stained stone”, “Hew down the Devil!”, “And to this struggle no end shall ever be, until the Turk has disappeared – or we.”

With such messages of the greatest of all the poets, and the wisest ruler, with messages that Serbian Orthodox Church pronounces as if Christ’s words, the messages that were chanted with gusle, people went to Grahovac and Vučji Do battles to defend Montenegro. But, with those same messages chanted with gusle and spoken by priests, the soldiers went to Foča as interpreters of Mojović’s Chetnik ideology in the Second World War, with these messages Montenegrins attacked Šahovići and Milošević’s legions from Serbia and Montenegro attacked Muslim Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The same messages are interwoven in the tragedy of Srebrenica!

It is a known fact that the writer of Mountain Wreath did not have an epigone in a classical sense, but was followed by national-decasyllabic epigone when it comes to Obilić’s martyr ideology which Njegoš rooted in his epics. Thus, Njegoš’s poetry from the period of his folk-like decasyllabic chanting, which did not announce the author of the Ray and the Wreath, have its followers in Montenegro with regard to the form of rhymed decasyllabic poems. Folk-like decasyllabic poetry in wider areas of Montenegrin, Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian languages is represented by Andrija Kačić Miošić with the Pleasant Conversation of Slavic People, and in Montenegro such poetry is recognized in poems of Petar I about battles against Mahmut-pasha Bušatlija (although their authenticity is questioned), in Heroic Monument by Mirko Petrović, and Njegoš’s first poems. And after them there were a lot of folk-like singers in Montenegro represented by Radovan Bećirović-Trebješki who is even nowadays the most favorite gusle manual.

Although the Mountain Wreath is a decasyllabic with trochee basis, it is still not a folk decasyllable that easily flows, but it is an overstrained decasyllabic verse which hardly puts up with the burden of Njegoš’s philosophical and poetic strength. Folk decasyllabic poem flows like a valley river along its bed and peacefully, while Njegoš’s verse whirrs like Niagara’s Falls and down its waterfalls and rapids there is “no ship or bridge!” When folk gusle player chants Njegoš’s decasyllable, with a strain he harmonizes his breathing with fast flow of overstrained decasyllabic rhythm, and folk-like song with ideology of the Mountain Wreath is like a break for him, being harmonized with his breathing and the sounds of gusle strings. I do not know of another case in world, not only literature but art in general, that surrogate serves consumers – not only that the original is inaccessible to them, but performers and consumers are more convenient for surrogate than for the original! Folk-like decasyllables with Kosovo topic fit a wider area, they are palatable as lemonade during the summer fair!*

(* The main difference between folk i.e. oral, and folk-like (folkish, folksy) i.e. imitative poetry consists in the fact that the first is created by illiterate poet-singers, whose work genuinely emerges from the collective national consciousness, while the folk-like poets are often literate, imitating original folk art thus creating poetry that is bounded ideologically – this is a case of either his individual beliefs or is engaged for propaganda purposes.)

Radovan Bećirović managed to replace Njegoš with regard to gusle chanters, and he managed to do so with his rhymed folk-decasyllabic chanting that have a drop of poetry. Cold fair lemonade is not a Champaign, but includes Champaign’s pungency and foaminess and because of that it feels good down the throat! Although his decasyllables were inferior compared to Njegoš’s poetry, Bećirović expressed Njegoš’s anti-Turkish and anti-Islamic ideology with verses containing Njegoš’s Kosovo myth that a listener was prepared for. The verses of Radovan Bećirović aesthetically satisfy and conceptually amaze graphically literate as well as illiterate Montenegrins. With heavy words for gusle recital, catchy for the ear of a listener who stammers when it comes to reading, Njegoš’s Miloš Obilić became deity. Knight-martyr sabres “dark Asians”, with one blow he “destroys the throne and shakes Tartarus”, Obilić proudly lied “in the blood of a noble” just as he proudly reached the “saint tomb of endless life!” The gusle player chokes with this words and verses, but there is Bećirović the savior, who is a comfort for gusle players and listeners. His Miloš struck the Turkish Emperor so fiercely that the old Murat “spilt his guts on the prayer rug!”. As Bećirović’s Obilić gets closer to the Emperor’s tent, he exclaims:

“Start running you Turkish dogs!”

At a time when the question of genocide against Muslims, i.e. Bosniaks from 1991 to 1995 was internationalized, there were often discussions on a possible correlation between the personal and collective guilt. The problem is not as simple as it seems at a first glance. Usually we start out from the fact that there are no genocidal and criminal nations, but genocidal and criminal individuals. Generally accepting that position, it would still be appropriate to define the quantum of one nation as a whole, or ethno-religious corpus, with whose support individuals take genocidal actions. Simply, we should go from one nation who produced genocide to the other in order to see the specific requirements for the acceptance and implementation of the genocide concept of the ideologue. Roughly speaking, the plant worker, suburban driver and impoverished citizens from Serbia or Montenegro who acted in a genocidal manner during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina are to blame as much as a stick is to be blamed with which mother hit her child. A spanked child breaks the stick, blaming it, and not the mother. A cadet of Kosovo mythology, which was engraved in collective consciousness by Njegoš, and chanted with gusle by priests, attacked Bosniaks as if they were “Turks, old enemies” that his ancestors had sabred, what was celebrated in Njegoš’s poems. That cadet is more like the stick than a mother that used it.

So far, state moral and political moves of Prince Nikola Petrović in regard to convince Muslims to feel in Montenegro as indigenous people in their country and faith were not sufficiently estimated and positively assessed. Proclamations in this regard were often given by him after the Congress of Berlin and after the Balkan wars. As if the Montenegrin Ruler sensed a problem – that anti-Islamic tensions, which were by their nature inherent to Christian consciousness of Montenegro, which was encouraged through the Kosovo myth being engraved in Montenegrin consciousness by Njegoš, could potentially escalate in adequate circumstances. It is quite probable that this is the reason why the Mountain Wreath was never published in the Principality of Montenegro, although Cetinje’s publishing activity was at the European level. As Belgrade, Novi Sad and Pančevo competed who will better equip the edition of Njegoš’s epic about the “Inquisition of converts to Islam” there was no place for Mountain Wreath in Montenegrin publishing activities. Nikola I greeted, in a letter, his “big uncle” and his tomb at Lovćen, but he left it to others to publish the epic that made him “big”. Some interpreters of this gesture of the Prince really missed the point interpreting it as an expression of jealousy of a little poet. The statesman and politician Prince Nikola cared more about social harmonization in the country than about the poetic prestige and rivalry with “big uncle” from Lovćen! The educated Monarch and connoisseur of the mentality of his subjects invited in his declarations to “brothers of Muhammad’s law” to accept Montenegro as their only home and he also wrote octosyllabic melodious ballads from the glorious past of Beys’ nobility and bravery of greatest Muslims. His poems, the Marriage of Bey Ljubović and Hajdana were widely popular, they were poems for festivals. There was no Montenegrins of Orthodox religion who did not remember at least a line or two of these poems. The Prince even wrote a divine poem For the Turk where he refers to a centuries old enemy as a “brave heart” and “the eagle of the eastern world“, pointing out the fact that Montenegrins were equally historically misfortunate and honored to successfully cope with such an enemy through centuries. It is understandable, Nikola I too, with an attitude of a knight towards the enemy – Ottoman Empire, fitted in a moral and epic habit which was founded by Homer, when it comes to Europe at least. The enemy cannot be referred to as “dog”, as is done by a folk-like poet we mentioned before, but his importance is apostrophized so that it is an honor to gain victory over such an enemy, and the potential defeat is not a reason for feeling ashamed. A person who did not know that Homer was from Achaia could conclude that he was from Troy, while reading the Iliad. Hector is much more morally attractive than Achilles! This moral and knightly habit was literally accepted in our oral epic. It is easy to agree with Vladan Nedić who stated that moral feat of a Turkish young woman from Podrugović’s poem Marko Kraljević Recognizes His Father’s Sabre surmounts the beauty of the feat of Kosovo Maiden from the poem in Vuk’s anthology. In the poem of Montenegrin chanter-poet Todor Iko Piper, Turkish pasha had compassion for mother’s sorrow of “sheep sucklers”, and not only he spared life of brigand Mihat, who sabred Turks who had plundered lambs, but rewarded him too. Vuk, who was always precise, entitled this poem A Man-pasha and Mihat the Shepherd. One of morally most complete characters in Vuk’s epics is Oldish-dervish from Milija’s poem Strahinjić Ban, and old Fočo from Višnjić’s poem The Beginning of the Uprising against Dahis is the only one that can be compared to Homer’s Nestor from Iliad.

Regarding the attitude towards the Ottoman Empire and Islam, Njegoš and Prince Nikola act contradictorily as poets. Njegoš, a great poet, fits in a Christian anti-Islamic position using serene poetry to express himself. And Prince Nikola, a small poet, fits, Homer-like, into a moral norm of the greatest poets – that a great enemy should not be addressed improperly. Njegoš goes along the course of Christian crusader doctrinarism, breathing life into it with his great poetry, and Prince Nikola goes along Homer’s course and expresses a serene level of a statesman with weak poetic word. Njegoš was more committed to reading Vuk’s epics than was Prince Nikola, but the last Montenegrin ruler, unlike Njegoš, reconciled peoples in his state with his weak poetry. This is something that Vuk Karadžić started first by publishing Hasanaginica and Omer and Merima, Muslim poems which seize a reader and listener with a poetic beauty of universal truths which are above the religion, nation and time! Njegoš as a statesman abolishes himself from a possible objection, which is unfortunately sometimes heard, that he is a genocidal poet. However, his poetry is misused in a genocidal manner.

Njegoš prepared the ideological texture of the Mountain Wreath for the circumstances of his time, when people’s decapitated heads where used as ornaments on the wall of Biljarda, when Osman-pasha Skopljak pressed Montenegrin islands in Skadar Lake and when new attacks on Montenegro were planned in Istanbul. One cannot blame a poet and a statesman Njegoš because liberating and stimulating ideology of the Mountain Wreath later extended to become a genocidal and conquest scream; the guilt lies with anachronous interpreters of the Mountain Wreath as well as with manipulations with the Kosovo myth made by priests and politicians. Anyway, Njegoš was not the only one who could be declared a “genocidal poet”. For Firdausi, the light is on the side of the religion of his people, and darkness is on the opposite; these two poles are also found in all Christian epics. Tasso is a poet of Christian light and Islamic darkens. This course is taken by two people named Ivan, Gundulić and Mažuranić, in particular by the poet of the epic Death of Smail-aga Čengić (which is however, rather anti-Turkish than anti-Islamic). The trouble is that great writers do not establish only human truths about a man, but sometimes a literary image, which is rounded up in a local summary of a piece of art, which can sometimes take on the strength of concrete ideological political and religious propaganda. Who can say that the image of the Venetians, as an experience of Draško Popović from the Mountain Wreath, did not, for those who did not make a difference between the artistic and natural truth, petrify the conviction that cunningness, injustice and lack of fairness characterize “Latins, those old cheaters”. Montenegrin warriors who set fire in Konavle and Dubrovnik battlefield were guided both by looting and the image of the Venetians from the story of Draško Popović. Andrić’s description of impaling, in the novel The Bridge on the Drina, simply shadowed all traditional knowledge about punishments at the time of Ottoman Empire in our regions. Abidaga’s pale on Vizier’s bridge became a metonymy of Turkish justice. That is why the lack of publishing of the Mountain Wreath in Montenegro until 1912 is seen as some kind of prevention from fatal influence of literature on people who do not divide life from art. Prince Nikola knew his Montenegrins, so he was not surprised to hear that a viewer shot an actor who played a Turk at the premiere of his Balkan Empress in Nikšić which has just been liberated from the Turks at that time. The man who shot Turks when liberating Nikšić thought the actor in Turkish clothes was really a Turk. Really, it would be good if the attitude of Nikola I towards to the Kosovo myth could be pragmatically applied in our time.

To perceive the Kosovo sacrificial idea as a form of Serbian propaganda, a reference should be made to its Bosnian expression from the 19th century. In the middle of that century, when Porte was slowly letting Bosnia go, which was followed by an agile propaganda from Serbia, as well as from Austria and partly Montenegro, epic decasyllable poetry about the battle in Kosovo was written, out of political reasons, which was more comprehensive and longer than any epic written about Kosovo until then. The writer’s course to that poem connotes the contents important for perceiving the political situation which covered Bosnia, a country that looked like Istanbul’s broken wing. Serbia and Austria were competing over Bosnia, and Montenegro was actively watching, in order to get Herzegovina. Having a feeling that they will get Bosnia, Austria-Hungary was preparing for the realization of this. Using Catholic clerks, precisely Bosnian Franciscans, Austria-Hungary aimed to prove the long tradition of Catholicism in Bosnia, and prominent Franciscans Grga Martić and Franjo Jukić would publish, in Osijek in 1858, a large collection of oral and decasyllable “Croatian” folk songs from Bosnia.

Vuk’s fame of an anthologist could have stimulated Teofil Petranović to get hold of Bosnia, that Vuk, as an anthologist, did not visit, but the motive for his collection was the politics of Prince Mihailo and the United Youth of Serbia. While Porte, with an effort to carry out reforms, the tanzimat and nufus, was meeting the requirements of Orthodox population in Bosnia, which could have been only dreamt of in times of a stable Ottoman Empire, Serbian politics sent their propagators to Sarajevo. Thus, in a newly established Serbian school in Sarajevo we would have as a teacher Teofil (Bogoljub) Petranović from Drniš, a presbytery with a completed theological school in Zadar, an abbot in several monasteries, an intellectual who speaks several languages. Bosnian Wali publicly placed him as a teacher believing that he was an official with Austro-Hungarian passport, but actually Petranović was a well paid commissary of the politics of Prince Mihailo who looked at Bosnia as an extended Serbia. Petranović awaited for Orthodox Bosniaks coming to Sarajevo bazaars and successfully convinced them that they were not Bosniaks, as they told him, and that they did not speak “Bosnian” or “our language”, as they thought they did, but that they were pure Serbs speaking the Serbian language. Teofil actively reported to Serbian Government of successes in the area of such propaganda, and when in 1867 he published the anthology of “Serbian” folk songs from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Prince Mihailo personally rewarded him with a hundred ducats! Bosnia could have boasted with lyrics at that time, but it lacked oral epics, both Orthodox and Catholic. Bosnian Muslims were motivated to glorify their heroism and their heroes who were extending their territory to that of Europe, while a Christian peasant in Bosnia was not motivated to celebrate his national past. There was no Kosovo in Bosnia, nor was there an empire, Bosnia “silently fell” under Fatih Mehmed, while Kulin-Ban and Tvrtko did not wage wars that could be a topic of poems. Orthodox Bosniaks, who would start feeling as Serbs only after the propaganda that we are talking about, did not have, after the fall of Bosnia under Turks, conceptual or psychological motivation to chant about the time of Serbian empire and Kosovo defeat. Neither of them appealed to collective consciousness of Orthodox Bosniaks. Even if there was an initiative in this sense, Phanariot church which had a common language with Porta, would not have been supportive of the initiative. In spite of carrying out Orthodox rites, an Orthodox Bosniak hardly made a difference between Phanariots and Turkish tax collectors.

The very thought that Bosniaks could be Christians, not to mention those of Orthodox religion, may appear strange to modern readers. However, in the past, it was a generally known and undisputed fact, as this is witnessed in historical sources. Thus for example, Bishop Vasilije Petrović-Njegoš in a letter to Russian earl Šuvalov, from 16th December 1757, writes, among other things: I hope that your Highness knows of the troubles that this peaceful Shepherd of Montenegrin people had in the past three years (…). The whole world already knows how big is the support that you provide to us who are particularly supported by the divine Russian court, so that our other brothers Christians, those who moan about being under the Turkish authority: the Albanians, Macedonians, Bosniaks, Serb and Bulgarians, watching our protection, will not only remain Orthodox, but when the day comes, they will unite with us in the service of Russian glorious Empire. If we collapse, they will lose their hope for liberation and they will take Muhammad’s religion. (underlined by N.K.) Similar formulation Bishop Vasilije uses in some other letters, placing Bosniaks in the same context. Even more unambiguous witnessing we find in a paper from Sarajevo Bošnjak, whose first issue was on 2nd July, 1891. In the first issue there was a publication of a poem To a Bosniak by Safvet-beg Bašagić which poetically presented the truth that the introduction of national thoughts of other countries in Bosnia followed much later with a propaganda suppressing Bosniaks nation:

Oh Bosniak, don’t you know, it had not been so long ago,
Less than fifteen summers ago, I swear,
When in our proud Bosnia,
And in Hertzeg’s land of heroes,
From Trebinje to Brodska vrata,
There were no Serbs or Croats.
And today, those greedy strangers
Spread as if that’s land of theirs. (…)
Both gests have beset us
Wanting to take our holiest treasure,
Our name, so proud and so glorious.

An educated and Serbian-Panslavist oriented Teofil Petranović skillfully set up the production of epic heroic poems that he will publish as sincere oral texts. He found talented and literate verse writer from Romanija, Ilija Divjanović, by origin Karadžić from Drobnjak, whom he provided with literature that Divjanović will turn into decasyllables. Thus Petranović’s workshop had three parts: in one part Petranović stored his written material and his oral advices, pre-fermentation is carried out in the second part, and in the third part he finalizes the work stylishly and ideologically.

The fact that Divjanović is by origin a Karadžić from Petnjica can mean that he had at his disposal at least details from the tradition that was brought to Jahorina by his ancestors. These details open up a problem which should be resolved when we talk about the share of some parts of our language territory in the creation and development of oral epic poetry with topics from the oldest and middle history, as Vuk used to put it. Karadžić says that he wrote “Fragments from Different Kosovo Poems” from his father Stefan, so let’s believe him. But there is one strange thing: how come that Stefan from Tršić sent his son only five short “fragments” of Kosovo poems and nothing else? This was something that was not verified by Vuk or other anthologists. Thinking of Skerlić’s statement about Vuk Karadžić being “the wisest Serbian head”, I would rather say that there is more respect for Petnjica that Vuk has in his title, with an accent that he is a “Doctor of Philosophy”, then there is truth about the origin of the “fragments”. As a Drobnjak from Petnjica, that he particularly stressed, Vuk connected the maturity of the most important Serbian legend with the nest of his family past! Let us also remember that when he got older, crippled, and hypochondriac with headaches, he carried out excellent political missions. Vuk arrived in Cetinje in that condition when theocracy was replaced by principality, when, on the occasion of the establishment of secular state there was a risk of having a bloodshed, not only in the dynasty but in the state which was not yet established on firm grounds. Even in his late years in one of his last visits, just before he went ad patres, Vuk was in Cetinje in a political mission with young Prince Nikola! Yes, Vuk was under surveillance of Austrian and Russian Police, but he was getting outstanding Emperor’s rewards. It seemed that inexhaustible Vuk wore himself off not only on “Serbian literature” but on the politics too.

When doubting if the said fragments from Kosovo poems originated from Drobnjak, one should not ignore Vuk’s reference to the link between Drobnjak and his Tršić. Vuk says that in his childhood his cousins from Drobnjak came to stay in Tršić during winter, played gusle, chanted and talked about horses with wings flying above Durmitor lakes! Therefore, Ilija Divjanović, a folk poet financed by Petranović, could have something from Drobnjak tradition. Petranović who was educated could have noticed what was it that Ilija had, which could have led him to the poet from Jahorina who could have written Bosnian version of Kosovo mythology that Bosnia could not boast about. Anyhow, one can conclude that Petranović in Bosnia, where he would set up army troops, did not find a natural setting for the duration and development of Kosovo legend. But, propaganda that he and other trustees from Belgrade, among them Dabro-Bosnian Hajji Sava Kosanović, later a Metropolitan, successfully and speedily completed, Petranović in particular, with live words and chanting, turned Orthodox Bosniaks into Serb pilgrims of Obilić and Kosovo mythology. There is one interesting detail about this from Andrić’s literary chronicle The Bridge on the Drina.

Andrić, who would gladly point out that his development was owed to Vuk Karadžić, depicts Vizier’s whipped slave, exhausted and fearful, who, at night, with fire from the shed listened to Montenegrin gusle player chanting about Serbian Emperor Stjepan. This Andrić’s local resume is packed with knowledgeable contents, with gnoseological meaning of this detail being extraordinary. It is a mixture of writer’s knowledge of history and tradition and ingenious inventiveness which is competing with the education!

Montenegrin gusle player walked the Emperor’s course, with small gusle hidden in a big waistcoat. He was caught by Abid-aga cavalrymen and brought for labor at the Vizier’s bridge. A shame that he felt for getting himself in such a troublesome situation worried him more than the labor under merciless Abid-aga’s whip. Lead by the tribal-brotherhood agon, and a little by Andrić’s irony too, the player of gusle chants in the rainy night in order to be noticeable, at least in front of Bosnian peasants, who were brought before the heap of frozen meat stained with shed blood. What a great analysis of agon which can be compared to Homer’s epic – “to be excellent and the best of all”, and it can be stated as the whipped Montenegrin did! So, Andrić did not have a Bosnian to transfer to a nicer time, just for the sake of illusion, these frozen slaves drying up their shoes by the fire in the shed. He had a Montenegrin to carry this out. It is understandable, that this Montenegrin is rather Andrić’s contemporary than a man from the 16th century when the bridge on the Drina was being built. Besides this anachronism, Andrić’s probe in the given resume goes deeper. Writer has the whipped gusle player singing about sinful love, a poem about Emperor’s court, wine, glory, women’s beauty. It is a poem about a sinful Emperor and beautiful young woman who was alone, just as much as deep waters are alone. Thus the poem about the famous Serbian past would not instantly turn wet and bleeding slaves into one soul which will prevail in the history, because that will be done by an erotic fairy tale. The Serbian Emperor, carried away with wine and suite’s humbleness and clerical dignitaries, would look at his sister Kondosija as on a beauty erotically carrying one away:

„He drinks wine, Serbian King Stevan
in Prizren, with its landscapes.(…)
Wine served by Commissar Mijailo,
sister Kandosija is there all shiny
with her bosoms in precious stones”!

Andrić, who dealt with Bosnia as a scientist too, notices, as a writer, the most subtle tones in ethno-Orthodox mentality of Bosniaks in the 16th century when Mehmed-pasha Sokolović constructed the bridge. Andrić’s literary detail on the Montenegrin player of gusle and Orthodox Bosniaks as audience is like a magnifying glass expressing that the Montenegrin, with a poem about glorious past, wanted to raise himself from humiliating society, but Bosniaks did not understand this to be the message of the poem but thought of it as being an erotic call of beauty and sin. It says – as beautiful as a sin! Really, Orthodox Bosniaks, who are nowadays indisputably Serbs, were not appropriate when it came to overwhelming feeling about Serbian history and the lost Kosovo battle, neither in the 16th, nor the centuries that followed. Propaganda from Serbia and partly from Montenegro on the one hand and from the Serbian Orthodox Church that would replace Phanariots with the departure of Ottomans on the other, would integrate Serbian consciousness and the Kosovo mythology (which was shaped by Njegoš in the Mountain Wreath) into Orthodox Bosniaks.

Serbian plans and propaganda with regard to Bosnia and Bosniaks were most explicitly given in “Načertanije” by Ilija Garašanin, which was the “Program of External and National politics of Serbia at the end of 1844”. This, secret draft at that time, says:

3. Not only that all fundamental laws, the Constitution and all major institutions of the Principality of Serbia should be promoted among the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but a number of young Bosniaks should be accepted into the Serbian officialdom to be operatively trained for political and financial profession, for law and public education, so that later these officials could apply in their own homeland what they have learned in Serbia. Here it must be particularly observed that these young people should be specially supervised and educated in such a manner that their work becomes completely imbued by the redeeming idea of a general unification and great advancement. This obligation cannot be sufficiently emphasized.

4. Special attention must be paid to diverting the peoples of the Roman Catholic faith from Austria and her influence, and their greater inclination towards Serbia should be fostered. This goal could be best achieved through the Franciscans there; the most important among them must be won over to the idea of the union of Bosnia and Serbia. To this end, publishing of some prayer books and hymnals in the printing office of Belgrade should be ordered; also, liturgical books for Orthodox Christians and anthologies of popular poems which would be printed in parallel in Latin and Cyrillic alphabets; as a third step, a short and comprehensive history of Bosnia could be printed, in which the names and glory must not be omitted of several Bosniaks who had converted to Muslim faith. It goes without saying that this history should be written in the spirit of the Slavic nationality and entirely in the spirit of the national unity of Serbs and Bosniaks. Through the printing of these and similar patriotic works, as well as through other necessary actions which should be reasonably determined and supervised Bosnia would be liberated from the influence of Austria and incline more to Serbia. (…)

6. Gaining a greater influence over the Eastern Orthodox Bosniaks will not be a difficult task for Serbia. However, more caution and attention must be exercised if the Bosniak Catholics are to be won over. At their head are the Franciscans.

Therefore, it would be advisable if, in addition to the printing of books hitherto mentioned, one of these Bosnian friars were to be appointed to the Belgrade Lycée as professor of Latin or some other science. This professor could serve as an intermediary between Serbia and the Catholics of Bosnia. (…)

On this occasion it would be interesting to state some parts from Načertanije which clarify the politics of Serbia towards Montenegro:

This measure would be of no less importance in a political sense, since the new Serbian agent would find himself among a Serbian population, which situation would result in a stronger influence of Serbia upon the northern Albanians and Montenegro, and these are the peoples who actually hold the keys to the gates of Bosnia, Herzegovina, and the Adriatic Sea. We are assured that the institution and establishment of such Serbian agency there would be understood by these peoples as a political act of inestimable importance on the part of Serbia, so that a closer union of the people of those provinces with Serbia would be an easy matter. (…)

Karađorđe was a naturally gifted military leader of very great experience; he was not able to foresee the predominant military importance which Montenegro has for Serbia, and which it will always have whenever the issue arises of Bosnia and Herzegovina breaking away from Turkey and joining Serbia. The campaign of this vojvoda at Sjenica and Novi Pazar is still well remembered by all Serbs, hence, it is not necessary that we marshal new arguments to support the following proposal: Let Serbia follow the example of Russia in Montenegro, and give the Metropolitan of Montenegro [Petar II Petrović-Njegoš] regular annual financial subsidies – in this way, for a small price, Serbia will have the friendship of a country which can, at the very least, raise an army of 10,000 mountain soldiers.

Finally we must observe that the deferment of this subsidy until the last minute will not produce the desired successful result, since Russia will justifiably be able to point to its own many annual subsidies, and in this way besmirch and arouse suspicion of Serbia’s new proposal as the one made out of bare necessity; and the Montenegrins would then say: the Serbs did not help us when we were in need, which is proof to us that they are not our friends, but only wish to make a one-time use of us.*

(*It is a very indicative relationship of Ilija Garašanin towards Montenegro. He wished for the Turks to destroy Montenegro in the war in 1862 and worked on denying any support and help for Montenegro. While the Turkish Army was attacking Cetinje, he said that “If Montenegro is destroyed we will celebrate happily”! It is not illogical that Garašanin and other Serbian politicians hated Montenegrins and their country – it’s because they were a thorn in the eye, an obstacle in the way of creating a Greater Serbia, which would, of course, have unrestricted access to the sea. In a letter to Avram Petronijević from 3rd June 1847, commenting the arrival of a group of Montenegrins, whose reception was requested by Simo Milutinović, Garašanin writes: “I have already issued a permission for Montenegrins that we discussed at the Ministry, this is the second group and I cannot allow so many jobless people and beggars to enter the country. […] Mr. Milutinović can easily fantasize about Serbdom, ethnic unity etc. from his office, but this looks different in practice.”)

But, let us go back to the Kosovo Mythology, which was founded by Njegoš. It was additionally edited trough Meštrović’s sculptures and poetry of Milan Rakić, and even Jovan Dučić. Meštrović’s adoring relationship towards Kosovo mythology was monumental in galleries and museums, there were painters too with expressed themes from Serbian past, Jovanović, Predić, Knežević and others, but reproductions of their works affected masses through school books and carvings, particularly on gusle. Somewhere original, or reproduction, sometimes a picture and sometimes music, neither the exterior not the interior could be without the Kosovo mythology! More elite classes accepted Rakić’s poetry with Kosovo mythology, and citizens who were priest and gusle oriented were delighted with Kosovo apologetics of the teacher Dragoljub Filipović, i.e. his Kosovo peonies. Mainly, both extensively and intensively Kosovo mythology did not lose its power during Versailles’ Yugoslavia. Just as ideology of Ante Starčević was practically applied in Croatia as soon as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was gone, Kosovo mythology was practically expressed in Moljević’s recommendation with regard to the Chetnik path of Pavle Đurišić along the valley of Lim towards Foča. Šahovići massacre were the test of Kosovo mythology persistence. With the same goal Milošević’s legionaries with different names and formations would turn up in Bosnia.

Milan Rakić’s poems At Gazimestan and Simonida strengthened Kosovo martyrdom in the consciousness of Serbs in time when the wars with Ottomans stopped, when in accordance with the nature of things Obilić’s euphoria should start calming down. At the time of liberation fights, Njegoš shaped the Kosovo myth, as we stressed, and this was in the service of liberation role, and it was normal that after the liberation and battles against Turks, the Kosovo myth finds its place in historical museums. However, poets carried away with an idea of Serbo-Yugoslavism, revived the Kosovo mythology by processing Serbian themes. It means that these poets represented one wing of Kosovo mythology, Serbian Orthodox church waved with the other wing. Poets of extraordinary reputation, with central places in aesthetically strictly formed Anthology of Bogdan Popović, Jovan Dučić and Milan Rakić, strengthen the importance of Kosovo martyr legend in the consciousness of masses which was started and realized by Njegoš. In such circumstances, an ordinary man was in a position to estimate that the Kosovo myth is really the deepest, the most necessary, the longest term theme in Serbian poetry, in priest’s sermon and daily experience of historical past. For God’s sake, one had to feel humble when it came to the Kosovo myth since the most educated, European and French poets – Rakić and Dučić, served it with due respect! Dučić, Parnassian and symbolist, a poet of the muse, as cold as a shade, a gentleman far from populist delight, still became one of the pilgrims to glory as a privilege of martyr: Torchlight can only speak through the darkness, / the image of the future reflects in the sword’s blade, / the path of glory is paved over those that fell / glory is the doomed sun of the martyr! Although Kosovo is not mentioned in these Dučić’s verses, Kosovo mythology is felt through them. A poet of madrigals and muse “dreaming as a young woman” did not raise a monument in Trebinje to Njegoš, it was done by a poet whose theme was Kosovo mythology. For Dučić too, Miloš Obilić is the most divine symbol of the fall, he should be the sun of Serbian martyrs. This thought, understandably, Dučić would carry out with his propaganda during the Second World War. This propaganda would posthumously continue the promenade of his relics through Montenegro, waking over his, as they say, unharmed body, as organized by Metropolitan Amfilohije, and the Belgrade helicopter which landed with Koštunica in Trebinje’s reburial of Jovan Dučić. Just as Milošević landed at Gazimestan at six hundred years’ anniversary of the Kosovo battle, and at the final stop of the tour of Lazar’s relics “through all Serbian lands.” These two helicopters are ideological twins, Milošević and Koštunica acted differently but deep inside they shared the same inner ideology.

At the time when Andrić and Meštrović were delighted with Yugoslavism, Dučić was overstressed with glorious defeat, and he formally hid cosmopolitan directness of Parnassians by not-mentioning Kosovo. Rakić was however more concrete. His poetry with Kosovo theme attracted both, students and teachers, not only because of the harmonization of the theme, thoughts and language but due to a fact that Rakić was a Consul in Priština, at the time of death agony of the Turkish Empire. He had a painful chance to watch Gazimestan while still in Turkish hands, and with this eventuality, he provided big popularity for his poems with Kosovo theme. It was touching to read, or to listen to verses on excavated eyes of the Serbian queen Simonida on the wall of Gračanica, Nemanjić’s monastery that resisted for centuries! This is how Nemanjići history is experienced trough the vision of the Kosovo myth as a part of Rakić’s poem, which is quite different from folk’s sensation of Nemanjić dynasty during Ottomans for centuries i.e. before settling the score with Turks after the war and with liberation. Namely, collective folk’s consciousness underestimated court’s suite from Nemanjić and Branković dynasties; it was precisely this part of historical past that the folks expressed in poems from a social point of view, not from ideological-political or religious one. The tradition gave data on difficult situation of peasants, in particular in times of latest despots when the burden for defense from Hungarians and Turks fell upon a peasant or landless worker. Overwhelmed with their difficult social standing, people underestimated state capacity of Đurađ Branković who managed to maintain the country even after the fall of Istanbul, so there is no word of praise in the folk songs about him. His wife is simply – the cursed Jerina. The appearance of brigands was linked to Đurađ Branković, folk’s Starina Novak did not run away into the woods from Turkish oppression but from exploitation and injustice imposed by the cursed Jerina. Đurađ’s efforts for the survival of the state and building a Smederevo Fortress with that aim, people remembered as their social suffering. The folk poet did not waste his time by glorifying state power of the Nemanjić and despot Branković, and when he wrote about them he did it in a sarcastic way and with criticism. Epics depict Jugović family as corrupted and greedy nobles during the construction of the church Ravanice and as narrow-minded squeamish people when Strahinjić Ban needed help to save his wife, their sister, from the Turkish slavery. In the folk song Emperor Dušan, overwhelmed by wine and Eros, wants to marry his own sister, with first clerks and court suite applauding to this wish of his. Folk’s Emperor Dušan would have been a defeated Latin son-in-law if he had not been rescued by Miloš Vojinović with his Odyssey’s violence who left his sheep in mountain Šari, hidden in rain coat and uninvited turned up at the wedding court. When you take into account a critical relationship of a folk song against pre-Kosovo past it was not allowed to presume that learned Ilarion Ruvarac was stirred up by folk songs to criticize Nemanjić’s past that was simply sacralized by church, biographic and hagiographic literature. In the literature, started by the First Serbian Archbishop Sava Nemanjić, which sticks to the state of Nemanjić, the state and the church are tightly holding hands, so it is closer to an epiphany then to history.

Milan Rakić, a poet who wrote about Kosovo, does not arise by referring to it as folk’s conceptualization of this topic but as Karađorđević’s Yugoslavism, which wanted to hold on to foundations of Kosovo legend codified by Njegoš in the Mountain Wreath. Mr. Rakić, a European educated intellectual, knew who was historical Simonida, he knew about the marriage of old man Milutin and a seven year old girl, he knew about evil step-mother and a blind step-son, and the historical truth Ruvarac had already uncovered. The sophisticated poet knew about it all, and in a poet’s elegant way and politically subtly, an obscure image of Serbian queen hid behind a touching verse:

“They have taken out your eyes, oh beautiful image!”

In the song In Gazimestan Rakić appears as another Njegoš with regard to engraving the Kosovo myth into people’s consciousness. This ecstatically shaped song is a synthesis of Obilić’s ideology of the Mountain Wreath, this in nuce repeated about Kosovo what was said in Njegoš’s epic. So Kosovo mythology in Rakić’s song exceeded its extensity which was achieved in the Mountain Wreath. Njegoš’s epic is long, complicated and hard to read outside Montenegro, while Rakić’s song is short, communicative, it is a text for a student’s book and reciting. In one word, Rakić’s poem In Gazimestan touched every citizen who speaks its language. Njegoš’s Ninth symphony was adapted by Rakić for schools and cafes, for village and villagers.

Of course, there is no doubt about a poet’s right to feel about blind Simonida mural in Gracanica as a mark of long-Serbian slavery under the Turks, but it should be noted that the “Beautiful image’s” eyes were taken out by Serbian believers who were committed to witchcraft, believing that eyes can be cured by scratching off the paint from the eyes on the frescoes in the sacred monastery. It is unnecessary to ask if a Belgrader and a gentleman knew about this detail that ethnologies did know, and if he knew he could act as a poet the way he did. The process of writing Rakić’s poem is unimportant here but its meaning is important in the context of Warrior and Political Connotations of the Kosovo Myth in the Past and Present.

Folk-like singer Radovan Bećirović sang when Rakić did, and was overwhelmed by Aleksandar’s Yugoslavia as much as he was, and as poets they expressed their work based on their personalities. But, their uniform level of patriotic glow did not originate from the same source; these two flows merged into the thrill over Kosovo past and Yugoslavism.

The sources were different, the results astronomically far from each other, but they shared the delight over the same topic. Serbian real suffering in the World War I, Valjevo gallows, typhoid, blue tombs, Corfu and Albania could have been natural Rakić’s inspiration, so he can experience Kosovo as a feat to ideologically guide Serbian resistance to three realms in the First World War. So his next verses apply equally to the Kosovo Serbian heroes and soldiers from Cer and Kolubara:

“Mighty cavalry without blemish and fear (…)
The shaken empire tumbled with you (…)
When storm has passed through Kosovo,
Kosovo turned into endless pit,
Ossuary terrible and glorious in its defeat.” (italic by N.K.)

How was it that a folk-like poet from Bijela near Šavnik, a descendant from fugitives from Morača and participants in the battle of Mojkovac, shared Rakić’s delight over the state formation and King Aleksandar Karađorđević? Radovan Bećirović, a poet who wrote about Kosovo, had a good memory and was literate, knew about the Podgorica Assembly and overthrowing of the Petrović dynasty, he knew about all the brutalities of occupation and annexation to Serbia, and beside it all, he wrote about the visit of the King Aleksandar to Montenegro as a sublime experience:

“My God thank you for everything,
What is it that little Montenegro is doing!?
Everybody rose, the big and the little ones –
Everyone is hoping for something;
All gentlemen, either tiny or big
Stood up today to their feet!
Song of forests and mountains
Is heard all along the coast;
The towns are full of yellow flowers –
That looks like a good sign!
All the villages and towns are moving –
“Nor will I stay” – a shepherd cries,
And Ostrog widely smiles
As if someone’s already coming!
Njegoš’s tomb is shaking,
I would say that St. Sava came. (…)
Welcome, new Nemanjić (King Alexander, N.K.)
Thou, Southern Emperor – the second Obilić!”

*

Instead of a conclusion:

Recidivisms of the times we already “recovered” from are, like ghosts of the past, still roaming their old ways. So even today, when Montenegro is contemporary, internationally recognized state, the Kosovo mythology is an integral part of some political-clerical formations that restrains pro-European and democratic progress, not allowing, among other things, that one of the vital factors of preserving Montenegrin nation, the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, gain all the rights that it historically deserves.